SPEECH 


OP 


HON.  SIMON  CAMERON,  OF  PA., 


-C-JI 


THE  REDUCTION  OF  THE  TARIFF  OF  1842 


DELIVERED 


3N  THE  SENATE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,  JULY  22,  1846. 


WASHINGTON? 

HUNTED  BY  RITCHIE  & HEIS& 


1846, 


SPEECH. 


Mr.  President  : I feel  no  little  reluctance  in  addressing  the  Senate  on  this 
subject.  If  my  own  feelings  were  consulted,  I should  certainly  prefer  to  be 
silent,  and  to  leave  to  others  more  able,  more  eloquent,  and  more  experienced 
in  debate,  the  task  of  exposing  the  inconsistencies,  and  follies,  and  the  ruinous 
effects  of  the  measure  now  before  the  Senate.  Enough  has  indeed  been  al- 
ready said  to  prevent  its  passage,  if  truth  were  to  prevail ; and  I am  in  strong 
hopes  that  it  will  yet  be  defeated  ; for  it  seems  now  so  poor,  that  there  is  none  to 
do  it  reverence — not  one  to  raise  his  voice  in  its  favor.  But  I cannot  suffer  a 
vote  to  be  taken  till  I have  expressed  my  hostility  to  its  passage,  and  said  some- 
thing m defence  of  the  industry  of  my  State,  which  it  is  calculated  to  ruin. 

I come  here  the  representative  of  a State  deeply  interested  in  the  develop- 
ment of  her  resources,  and  in  fostering  and  protecting  the  industry  of  her 
citizens  : a State  which  has  expended  more  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  mil- 
lions of  dollars  in  making  those  resources  available  ; a State  which  in  two 
wars  has  expended  more  blood  and  more  treasure  in  the  common  defence  than 
any  State  in  the  Union ; a State  which  has  never  asked  any  favors  from  the 

Union,  nnd  which  has  received  as  little  benefit* from  it  as  any  one  in  it ; even 

the  fort  which  was  built  for  the  defence  of  her  city,  with  the  money  of  her  own 
citizens,  has  been  suffered  to  go  to  decay  by  the  general  government ; — a State 
proveibial  for  the  democracy  of  her  sons — so  much  so  that  no  democratic 
President  was  ever  elected  without  her  vote  ; nay,  one  which  never  gave  a vote 
against  a democratic  candidate  for  the  presidency,  until  she  believed  there  was 
a settled  design  to  desert  her  dearly  cherished  interests. 

You  can,  therefore,  Mr.  President,  imagine  my  surprise  when  I find  our  time- 
honored  commonwealth  charged  with  a want  of  democracy  in  her  opposition, 
to  this  bill.  From  one  end  of  her  wide  domain  to  the  other  she  does  oppose 
it;  and  if  I fail  to  show  that  she  has  abundant  cause,  it  will  not  be  for  the  want 
of  defects  in  the  bill  itself.  So  far  as  she  is  concerned,  it  can  produce  evil,  and- 
evil  only. 

The  support  of  a system  of  protection  for  the  labor  of  her  citizens  is  with 
her  not  new.  It  is  a lesson  she  learned  from  the  fathers  of  the  republic,  and 
which  was  practised  with  uniform  and  unvarying  consistency  by  all  her  early 
settlers.  Her  sons  have  not,  and  I trust  in  God  will  never  prove  recreant  to  the 
wholesome  lessons  of  their  ancestry.  It  is  to  this  practice  and  to  these  lessons 
that  she  owes  her  present  prosperity  and  fame. 

Go  where  you  will,  there  is  but  one  sentiment  now  pervading  the  public 
mind  on  this  subject.  It  has  grown  with  her  growth,  and  strengthened  with 
her  strength ; and  there  is  a cry  coming  up  now  from  all  her  bonders,  echoed 
from  every  hill  and  from  every  valley ; from  her  very  bowels,  as  you  saw  the 
other  day,  by  the  petition  which  I presented  from  her  hardy  miners,  whose 
habitations  are  under  ground : from  every  village,  from  every  work-shop,  from 
every  farm-house  is  the  cry  heard,  invoking  us  to  interpose  between  them  and 
ruin.  Every  legislature  for  years  has  instructed  her  representatives  here  to  ad- 
here to  her  favorite  policy;  and  no  man  has  ever  presumed  to  ask  her  favor 
without  admitting  the  justice  and  propriety  of  her  views  upon  this  subject;  and 


4 


I may  add,  Mr.  President,  woe  betide  the  man  who  raises  his  suicidal  hand  against 
her,  now  in  the  hour  of  her  extremity. 

I have  said  her  favor  was  never  asked  without  a pledge  to  support  her  views. 
You  know,  sir,  how  it  was  in  1844.  I need  not  tell  you  that  you  would  not 
tiow  occupy  that  chair  but  for  the  assurances — the  oft  reiterated  assurances — 
that  her  policy  would  not  be  disturbed.  You  and  I remember  the  scenes  of 
that  day.  We  cannot  forget  the  flags  and  banners  which  were  carried  in  the 
processions  of  her  democracy,  pending  the  election  which  resulted  in  the  tri- 
umph of  our  party.  It  cannot,  and  it  ought  not  to  be  disguised,  that,  but  for 
these  assurances  to  which  I have  alluded,  that  triumph  never  would  have  been 
obtained.  I remember  the  anxiety  w hich  pervaded  the  minds  of  the  politicians 
until  the  publication  of  the  Kane  letter,  and  I cannot  forget  the  pains  that  were 
taken  by  the  leading  men  of  the  party  to  convince  the  people  that  it  was  evi- 
dence of  an  intention  to  protect  our  interests.  Her  confiding  citizens  gave 
their  support  in  good  faith,  and  they  expected  good  faifh  in  return.  The  letter 
was  published,  in  English  and  German,  in  every  democratic  paper  in  the  State, 
and  in  pamphlets  by  thousands.  Every  democrat  pointed  to  it  as  a satisfactory 
tariff  letter,  and  no  democrat  doubted  it.  It  is  not  saying  too  much  to  ascribe 
to  that  letter,  mainly,  the  democratic  majority  of  the  State.  Surely,  honorable 
men  will  not  now,  since  the  battle  has  been  fought  and  the  honors  won  by  it, 
evade  its  responsibility,  by  saying  that  too  liberal  a construction  wTas  put  upon 
it.  If  it  was  wrongly  applied,  there  was  time  enough  for  its  contradiction  be- 
tween the  time  of  its  publication  and  the  election.  The  party  majority  in  this 
hall  may  be  fairly  attributed  to  that  letter;  and  I ask  honorable  Senators  if  they 
expect  that  majority  can  be  retained  if  this  bill  shall  become  a law  ? I warn 
them  now  of  the  sudden  and  swift  destruction  which  awaits  us,  if  Punic  faith 
is  to  govern  the  counsels  of  the  democratic  party.  It  is  to  avert  what  I believe 
would  be  a dire  calamity — the  prostration  of  democratic  principles — that  I raise 
my  voice  to  arrest  the  further  progress  of  this  bill.] 

It  would  be  needless  to  take  up  the  doctrine  of  protection  to  defend  it,  if  it 
were  not  for  the  disposition  recently  manifested  to  ape  every  thing  British,  and 
to  shape  our  legislation  to  suit  the  subjects  of  the  British  crown.  A new  order 
of  democracy  seems,  however,  to  have  arisen  in  these  latter  days;  and  for  the 
especial  benefit  of  its  high  priests  I will  read  the  opinions  of  the  founders  of 
the  republic  who  participated  in  public  affairs  from  the  foundation  of  the  gov- 
ernment— who  framed  its  fundamental  law — and  who  fought  its  battles  in  the 
Revolution  and  the  last  war.  The  people  of  Pennsylvania  still  have  confidence 
in  the  democracy  of  those  pure  and  great  men ; and  time  was  when  they  were 
considered  as  the  pillars  of  the  democracy  of  the  Union. 

Extract  of  a speech  of  George  Washington,  President  of  the  United  States,  to  Congress,  January 

8, 1790. 

“ A free  people  ought  not  only  to  be  armed,  but  disciplined  ; to  which  end  a uniform  and  well- 
digested  plan  is  requisite  ; and  their  safety  and  interest  require  that  they  should  promote  such 
manufactories  as  tend  to  render  them  independent  of  others  for  essential,  particularly  military, 
supplies.” 

“ The  advancement  of  agriculture,  commerce,  and  manufactures,  by  all  proper  means,  will  not,  I 
trust , need  recommendation .” 

Extract  of  a speech  of  George  Washington,  President  of  the  United  States,  to  Congress,  December 

7,  1796. 

“ Congress  have  repeatedly,  and  not  without  success,  directed  their  attention  to  the  encourage- 
ment of  manufactures.  The  object  is  of  too  much  consequence  not  to  insure  a continuance  of 
their  efforts  in  every  way  whicn  shall  appear  eligible.” 

Extract  of  a speech  of  John  Mams,  President  of  the  United  States,  to  Coixgress , November  22,  1800. 

“ The  manufacture  of  arms  within  the  United  States  still  invites  the  attention  of  the  national 


5 


legislature.  At  a considerable  expense  to  the  public,  this  manufacture  has  been  brought  to  such 
a state  of  maturity  as,  with  continued  encouragement,  will  supersede  the  necessity  of  future  im- 
portations from  foreign  countries.” 

Extract  of  a message  from  Thomas  Jefferson,  President  of  the  United  States,  to  Congress,  December 

8,  1801. 

“ Agriculture,  manufactures,  commerce,  and  navigation,  the  four  pillars  of  our  prosperity,  are 
then  most  thriving  when  left  most  free  to  individual  enterprise.  Protection  from  casual  embar- 
rassments, however,  may  Sometimes  be  seasonably  interposed .” 

Extract  of  a message  from  Thomas  Jefferson,  President  of  the  United  States,  to  Congress,  December 

2,  1806. 

“ The  duties  composing  the  Mediterranean  fund  will  cease,  by  law,  at  the  end  of  the  present 
session.  fE^Considering,  however,  that  they  are  levied  chiefly  on  luxuries,  and  that  we  have 
an  impost  on  salt,  a necessary  of  life,  the  free  use  of  which  otherwise  is  so  important,  I recom- 
mend to  your  consideration  the  suppression  of  the  duties  on  salt,  and  the  continuation  of  the  Med- 
iterranean fund  instead  thereof,  for  a short  time  ; after  which,  that  also  will  become  unnecessary 
for  any  purpose  now  within  contemplation.” 

“ When  both  of  these  branches  of  revenue  shall,  in  this  way,  be  relinquished,  there  will  still, 

ere  long-,  be  an  accumulatinn  of  moneys  in  the  treasury,  beyond  tbe  in&t aimer) t.si  of  public  debt, 

which  we  are  permitted  by  contract  to  pay.  They  cannot,  then,  without  a modification,  assented 
to  by  the  public  creditors,  be  applied  to  the  extinguishment  of  this  debt,  and  the  complete  libera- 
tion of  our  revenues,  the  most  desirable  of  all  objects  ; nor,  if  our  peace  continues,  will  they  be 
wanting  for  any  other  existing  purpose.  The  question , therefore,  now  comes  forward — To  what 
other  objects  shall  these  surpluses  be  appropriated,  and  the  whole  surplus  of  impost,  after  the 
entire  discharge  of  the  public  debt,  and  during  those  intervals  when  the  purposes  of  war  shall  not 
call  for  them  ? flJr’Shall  we  suppress  the  impost,  and  give  that  advantage  to  foreign  over  domestic 
manufactures?  On  a few  articles,  of  more  general  and  necessary  use,  the  suppression,  in  due 
season,  will  doubtless  be  right ; but  the  great  mass  of  the  articles  on  which  impost  is  paid  are 
foreign  luxuries,  purchased  by  those  only  who  are  rich  enough  to  afford  themselves  the  use  of 
them.  Their  patriotism  would  certainly  prefer  its  continuance  and  application  to  the  great  pur- 
poses of  the  public  education,  roads,  rivers,  canals,  and  such  other  objects  of  public  improvement 
as  it  may  be  thought  proper  to  add  to  the  constitutional  enumeration  of  federal  powers.” 

Extract  of  a message  from  Thomas  Jefferson,  President  of  the  United  States,  to  Congress,  November 

8,  1808. 

“Under  the  acts  of  March  11  and  April  23,  respecting  arms,  the  difficulty  of  procuring  them 
from  abroad,  during  the  present  situation  and  dispositions  of  Europe,  induced  us  to  direct  our 
whole  efforts  to  the  means  of  internal  supply.  The  public  factories  have  therefore  been  enlarged, 
additional  machineries  erected,  and,  in  proportion  as  artificers  can  be  found  or  formed,  their  ef- 
fect, already  more  than  doubled,  may  be  increased  so  as  to  keep  pace  with  the  yearly  increase 
of  the  militia.  fU^The  annual  sums  appropriated  by  the  latter  act  have  been  directed  to  the 
encouragement  of  private  factories  of  arms,  and  contracts  have  been  entered  into  with  individual 
undertakers  to  nearly  the  amount  of  the  first  year’s  appropriation. 

“ Et^The  suspension  of  our  foreign  commerce,  produced  by  the  injustice  of  the  belligerent 
powers,  and  the  consequent  losses  and  sacrifices  of  our  citizens,  are  subjects  of  just  concern. 
The  situation  into  which  we  have  thus  been  forced,  has  impelled  us  to  apply  a portion  of  our  in- 
dustry and  capital  to  internal  manufactures  and  improvements.  The  extent  of  this  conversion  is 
daily  increasing,  and  little  doubt  remains  that  the  establishments  formed  and  forming  will,  under 
the  auspices  of  cheaper  materials  and  subsistence,  the  freedom  of  labor  from  taxation  with  us, 
and  of  protecting  duties  and  prohibitions,  become  permanent. 

“ The  probable  accumulation  of  the  surpluses  of  revenue  beyond  what  can  be  applied  to  the 
payment  of  the  public  debt,  whenever  the  freedom  and  safety  of  our  commerce  shall  be  restored, 
merits  the  consideration  of  Congress.  Shall  it  lie  unproductive  in  the  public  vaults?  Shall  the 
revenue  be  reduced  ? Or,  shall  it  not  rather  be  appropriated  to  the  improvements  of  roads,  canals, 
rivers,  education,  and  other  great  foundations  of  prosperty  and  union  ?” 

Extract  of  a message  from  James  Madison,  President  of  the  United  States,  to  Congress,  May  23,  1809. 

“ The  revision  of  our  commercial  laws,  proper  to  adapt  them  to  the  arrangement  which  has 
taken  place  with  Great  Britain,  will  doubtless  engage  the  early  attention  of  Congress.  rc^lt  will 
be  worthy,  at  the  same  time,  of  their  just  and  provident  care,  to  make  such  further  alterations  in 
the  laws  as  will  morfi  especially  protect  and  foster  the  several  branches  of  manufacture  which  have 
been  recently  instituted  or  extended  by  the  laudable  exertions  of  our  citizens.” 

Extract  of  a message  from  James  Madison,  President  of  the  United  States,  to  Congress,  Nov.  29,  1809. 

“The  face  of  our  country  every  where  presents  the  evidence  of  laudable  enterprise  of  extensive 
capital,  and  of  durable  improvement,  fC^=»  In  a cultivation  of  the  materials,  and  the  extension 


6 


of  useful  manufactures,  more  especially  in  the  general  application  to  household  fabrics,  we  behold 
a rapid  diminution  of  our  dependanee  on  foreign  supplies.  Nor  is  it  unworthy  of  reflection  that 
this  revolution  in  our  pursuits  and  habits  is  in  no  slight  degree  a consequence  of  those  impolitic 
and  arbitrary  edicts  by  which  the  contending  nations,  in  endeavoring  each  of  them  to  obstruct  our 
trade  with  the  other,  have  so  far  abridged  our  means  of  procuring  the  productions  and  manufac- 
tures of  which  our  own  are  now  taking  the  place.” 

Extract  of  a message  from  James  Madison,  President  of  the  United  States,  to  Congress,  Lee . 5,  1810. 

“ I feel  particular  satisfaction  in  remarking  that  an  interior  view  of  our  country  presents  us  with 
grateful  proofs  of  its  substantial  and  increasing  prosperity.  To  a thriving  agriculture,  and  the  im- 
provements related  to  it,  Id"3*8  added  a highly  interesting  extension  of  useful  manufactures,  the 
combined  product  of  professional  occupations  and  of  household  industry.  Such,  indeed,  is  the 
experience  of  economy,  as  well  as  of  policy,  in  these  substitutes  for  supplies  heretofore  obtained 
by  foreign  commerce,  that,  in  a national  view,  the  change  is  justly  regarded  as  of  itself  more  than 
a recompense  for  those  privations  and  losses,  resulting  from  foreign  injustice,  which  furnished 
the  general  impulse  required  for  its  accomplishment.  How  far  it  may  be  expedient  to  guard  the 
infancy  of  this  improvement,  in  the  distribution  of  labor,  by  regulations  of  the  commercial  tariff, 
is  a subject  which  cannot  fail  to  suggest  itself  to  your  patriotic  reflections.” 

Extract  of  a message  from  James  Madison,  President  of  the  United  States,  to  Congress,  Nov.  5,  1811. 

“Although  other  subjects  will  press  more  immediately  on  your  deliberations,  a portion  of  them 
cannot  but  be  well  bestowed  fd^  on  just  and  sound  policy  of  securing  to  our  manufactures 
the  suecess  they  have  attained,  and  are  still  attaining,  in  some  degree,  under  the  impulse  of  causes 
not  permanent. 

IQT  “ Besides  the  reasonableness  of  saving  our  manufactures  from  sacrifices  which  a change 
of  circumstances  might  bring  on  them,  the  national  interest  requires  that,  with  respect  to  such 
articles  at  least  as  belong  to  our  defence  and  our  primary  wants,  we  should  not  be  left  in  unneces- 
sary dependanee  on  external  supplies.” 

Extract  of  a message  from  James  Madison,  President  of  the  United  States,  to  Congress,  Dec.  7,  1813. 

“ If  the  war  has  increased  the  interruptions  of  our  commerce,  it  has  at  the  same  time 
fU^cherished  and  multiplied  our  manufactures,  so  as  to  make  us  independent  of  all  other  coun- 
tries for  the  more  essential  branches,  for  which  we  ought  to  be  dependant  on  none  ; and  is  even 
rapidly  giving  them  an  extent  which  will  create  additional  staples  in  our  future  intercourse  with 
foreign  markets.” 

Extract  of  a message  from  James  Madison,  President  of  the  United  States,  to  Congress,  Dec.  5,  1815. 

Id3  “ In  adjusting  the  duties  on  imports  to  the  object  of  revenue,  the  influence  of  the  tariff 
on  manufactures  will  necessarily  present  itself  for  consideration.  However  wise  the  theory  may 
be  which  leaves  to  the  sagacity  and  interest  of  individuals  the  application  of  their  industry  and 
resources,  there  are  in  this,  as  in  other  cases,  exceptions  to  the  general  rule.  Besides  the  condition, 
which  the  theory  itself  implies,  of  a reciprocal  adoption  by  other  nations,  experience  teaches  that 
so  many  circumstances  must  concur  in  introducing  and  maturing  manufacturing  establishments, 
especially  of  the  more  complicated  kinds,  that  a country  may  remain  long  without  them,  although 
sufficiently  advanced,  and  in  some  respects  even  peculiarly  fitted  for  carrying  them  on  with  suc- 
cess. Under  circumstances  giving  a powerful  impulse  to  manufacturing  industry,  it  has  made 
among  us  a progress,  and  exhibited  an  efficiency,  which  justify  the  belief  that,  with  a protection 
not  more  than  is  due  to  the  enterprising  citizens  whose  interests  are  now  at  stake,  it  will  become,  at  an 
early  day,  not  only  safe  against  occasional  competitions  frem  abroad,  but  a source  of  domestic 
wealth,  and  even  of  external  commerce.  In  selecting  the  branches  more  especially  entitled  to 
the  public  patronage,  a preference  is  obviously  claimed  by  such  as  will  relieve  the  United  States 
from  a dependanee  on  foreign  supplies,  ever  subject  to  casual  failures,  for  articles  necessary  for 
the  public  defence,  or  connected  writh  the  primary  wants  of  individuals.  It  will  be  an  additional 
recommendation  of  particular  manufactures,  where  the  materials  for  them  are  extensively  drawn 
from  our  agriculture,  and  consequently  impart  and  insure  to  that  great  fund  of  national  pros- 
perity and  independence  an  encouragement  which  cannot  fail  to  be  rewarded.” 

I shall  show,  by  the  connexion  between  the  agricultural  and  manufacturing 
interests  of  Pennsylvania,  how  entirely  applicable  this  view  is  to  the  present  state 
of  things. 

Extract  of  a message  from  James  Madison,  President  of  the  United  States,  to  Congress,  December  3, 1816. 

“ It  is  to  be  regretted  that  a depression  is  experienced  by  particular  branches  of  our  manufac- 
tures, and  by  a portion  of  our  navigation.  As  the  first  proceeds,  in  an  essential  degree,  from  an 
excess  of  imported  merchandise,  which  carries  a check  in  its  own  tendency,  the  cause,  in  its 


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present  extent,  cannot  be  of  very  long  duration.  fE^The  evil  will  not,  however,  be  viewed 
by  Congress,  without  a recollection  that  manufacturing  establishments,  if  suffered  to  sink  too 
low,  or  languish  too  long,  may  not  revive  after  the  causes  shall  have  ceased  ; and  that,  in  the 
vicissitudes  of  human  affairs,  situations  may  recur  in  which  a dependance  on  foreign  sources 
for  indispensable  supplies  may  be  among  the  most  serious  embarrassments.” 

Extract  of  a message  from  James  Monroe,  President  of  the  United  States,  to  Congress,  December  2, 1817 

“ Our  manufactories  will  require  the  continued  attention  of  Congress.  The  capital  employed 
in  them  is  considerable,  and  the  knowledge  acquired  in  the  machinery  and  fabric  of  all  the  most 
useful  manufactures,  is  of  great  value.  Their  preservation,  xvhich  depends  on  due  encouragement , is 
connected  with  the  high  interests  of  the  nation  ” 

Extract  of  a message  from  James  Monroe,  President  of  the  United  States , to  Congress,  December  7, 1819. 

“The  great  reduction  in  the  price  of  the  principal  articles  of  domestic  growth,  which  has 
occurred  during  the  present  year,  and  the  consequent  fall  in  the  price  of  labor,  apparently  so 
favorable  to  the  success  of  domestic  manufactures,  have  not  shielded  them  against  other  causes 
adverse  to  their  prosperity.  The  pecuniary  embarrassments  which  have  so  deeply  affected  the 
commercial  interests  of  the  nation  have  been  no  less  adverse  to  our  manufacturing  establish- 
ments in  several  sections  of  the  Union. 

“ An  additional  cause  for  the  depression  of  these  establishments  may  probably  be  found  in 
the  pecuniary  embarrassments  which  have  recently  affected  those  countries  with  which  our  com- 
merce has  been  principally  prosecuted. 

“ Their  manufactures,  for  the  want  of  a ready  or  profitable  market  at  home,  have  been  shipped 
by  the  manufacturers  to  the  United  States,  and,  in  many  instances,  sold  at  a price  below  their 
current  value  at  the  place  of  manufacture.  Although  this  practice  may,  from  its  nature,  be  con- 
sidered temporary  or  contingent,  it  is  not  on  that  account  less  injurious  in  its  effects.  Uniformity 
in  the  demand  and  price  of  an  article  is  highly  desirable  to  the  domestic  manufacturer. 

“ It  is  deemed  of  great  importance  to  give  encouragement  to  our  domestic  manufacturers.  In  what 
manner  the  evils  which  have  been  adverted  to  may  be  remedied,  and  how  far  it  may  be  practi- 
cable, in  other  respects,  to  afford  to  them  further  encouragement,  paying  due  regard  to  the  other 
great  interests  of  the  nation,  is  submitted  to  the  wisdom  of  Congress.” 

Extract  of  a message  from  James  Monroe , President  of  the  United  States,  to  Congress,  December  5, 1821. 

“ It  may  fairly  be  presumed,  that  under  the  protection  given  to  domestic  manufactures  by  the  ex- 
isting laws,  we  shall  become,  at  no  distant  period,  a manufacturing  country  on  an  extensive 
scale.  Possessing,  as  we  do,  the  raw  materials  in  such  vast  amount,  with  a capacity  to  augment 
them  to  an  indefinite  extent;  raising  within  the  country  aliment  of  every  kind,  to  an  amount  far 
exceeding  the  demand  for  home  consumption,  even  in  the  most  unfavorable  years,  and  to  be  ob- 
tained always  at  a very  moderate  price;  skilled,  also,  as  our  people  are,  in  the  mechanic  arts, 
and  in  every  improvement  calculated  to  lessen  the  demand  for,  and  the  price  of  labor,  it  is  mani- 
fest that  their  success  in  every  branch  of  domestic  industry  may  and  will  be  carried,  under  the 
encouragement  given  by  the  present  duties,  to  an  extent  to  meet  any  demand  which,  under  a fair 
competition,  may  be  made  upon  k. 

“ A considerable  increase  of  domestic  manufactures,  by  diminishing  the  importation  of  foreign, 
will  probably  tend  to  lessen  the  amount  of  the  public  revenue.  As,  however,  a large  proportion 
of  the  revenue  which  is  derived  from  duties  is  raised  from  other  articles  than  manufactures,  the 
demand  for  which  will  increase  with  our  population,  it  is  believed  that  a fund  will  still  be  raised 
from  that  source  adequate,  to  the  greater  part  of  the  public  expenditures. 

03^  “ ^ cannot  be  doubted  that  the  more  complete  our  internal  resources,  and  the  less  depend- 
ant we  are  on  foreign  powers  for  every  national  as  well  aa  domestic  purpose,  the  greater  and 
more  stable  will  be  the  public  felicity.  By  the  increase  of  domestic  manufactures  will  the  demand 
for  the  rude  materials  at  home  be  increased ; and  thus  will  the  dependance  of  the  several  parts  of 
our  Union  on  each  other,  and  the  strength  of  the  Union  itself,  be  proportionably  augmented.  In 
this  process,  which  is  very  desirable,  and  inevitable  under  the  existing  duties,  the  resources 
which  obviously  present  themselves  to  supply  a deficiency  in  the  revenue,  should  it  occur,  are 
the  interests  which  may  derive  the  principal  benefit  from  the  change.” 

Extract  of  a message  fiom  James  Monroe,  President  of  the  United  States,  to  Congress,  December  3, 1822. 

“ From  the  best  information  that  I have  been  able  to  obtain,  it  appears  that  our  manufactures, 
inough  depressed  immediately  after  the  peace,  have  considerably  increased,  and  are  still  in- 
creasing, under  the  encouragement  given  them  by  the  tariff  of  1816,  and  by  subsequent  laws. 
ftJr*  Satisfied  I am,  whatever  may  be  the  abstract  doctrine  in  favor  of  unrestricted  commerce, 
provided  all  nations  would  concur  in  it,  and  it  was  not  liable  to  be  interrupted  by  war,  which  has 
never  occurred,  and  cannot  be  expected,  that  there  are  other  strong  reasons  applicable  to  our  sit- 
uation, and  relations  with  other  countries,  which  impose  on  us  the  obligation  to  cherish  and  sus- 
tain our  manufactures.  Satisfied,  however,  I likewise  am,  that  the  interest  of  every  part  of  our 


a 

Union,  even  of  those  most  benefited  by  manufactures,  requires  that  this  subject  should  be  touched 
with  the  greatest  caution,  and  a critical  knoicledge  of  the  effect  to  be  produced  by  the  slightest  change. 
On  full  consideration  of  the  subject,  in  all  its  relations,  I am  persuaded  that  a further  augmenta- 
tion may  now  be  made  of  the  duties  on  certain  foreign  articles,  in  favor  of  our  own,  and  without 
affecting  injuriously  any  other  interest.” 

Extract  of  a message  from  Janus  Monroe,  President  of  the  United  States,  to  Congress,  December  2, 1823 

“ Having  communicated  my  views  to  Congress,  at  the  commencement  of  the  last  session,  re- 
specting the  ITJ"3  encouragement  which  ought  to  be  given  to  our  manufactures,  and  the  principle  or. 
which  it  should  be  founded,  I have  only  to  add  that  those  views  remain  unchanged;  and  that  the 
present  state  of  those  countries  with  which  we  have  the  most  immediate  political  relations  and 
greatest  commercial  intercourse  tends  to  confirm  them.  Under  this  impression,  1 recom- 

mend a review  of  the  tariff,  for  the  purpose  of  affording  such  additional  protection  to  those  arti- 
cles which  we  are  prepared  to  manufacture,  or  which  are  more  immediately  connected  with  the 
defence  and  independence  of  the  country.” 

These  words  were  the  last  remarks,  given  as  a legacy,  from  the  last  of  the 
fathers  of  the  Revolution  ; and,  acting  upon  this  wholesome  counsel,  Congress, 
at  that  session,  passed  the  bill  known  as  the  tariff*  of  1824. 

I will  now  grre  the  views  on  this  subject  of  one  who  Is  confessedly  the  most 
remarkable  man  of  his  age ; one  who,  whatever  difference  of  opinion  may  be 
entertained  with  regard  to  some  of  his  measures,  is  admitted  by  all  to  have 
brought  to  the  administration  of  the  public  affairs  intrusted  to  his  care  as  much 
purity  of  purpose,  and  as  strong  patriotic  feelings,  as  ever  characterized  any 
public  man  ; and  it  is  not  saying  too  much  to  add,  that  no  public  man,  save  only 
the  Father  of  his  Country,  enjoyed  in  a more  remarkable  degree  the  confidence 
and  regard  of  his  countrymen.  It  will  readily  be  understood  that^I  allude  to 
General  Jackson.  In  1824  he  addressed  the  following  letter  to  several  persons 
who  had  written  him  on  this  subject : 

Extract  from  General  Jackson's  letter  to  Dr.  Colemwi ► 

“ You  ask  me  my  opinion  on  the  tariff.  I answer,  that  I am  in  favor  of  a judicious  examina- 
tion and  revision  of  it ; and  so  far  as  the  tariff  bill  before  us  embraces  the  design  of  fostering, 
projecting,  and  preserving  within  ourselves  the  means  of  national  defence  and  independence,  par- 
ticularly in  a state  of  war,  I would  advocate  and  support  it.  The  experience  of  the  late  war 
ought  to  teach  us  a lesson,  and  one  never  to  be  forgotten.  If  our  liberty  and  republican  form 
of  government,  procured  for  us  by  our  revolutionary  fathers,  are  worth  the  blood  and  treasure  at 
which  they  were  obtained,  it  surely  is  our  duty  to  protect  and  defend  them.'-  Can  there  be  an 
American  patriot,  who  saw  the  privations,  dangers,  and  difficulties  experienced  for  the  want  of 
proper  means  of  defence  during  the  last  war,  who  would  be  willing  again  to  hazard  the  safety  of 
our  country,  if  embroiled:  or  to  rest  it  for  defence  on  the  precarious  means  of  national  resource 
to  be  derived  from  commerce  in  a state  of  war  with  a maritime  power,  who  might  destroy  that 
commerce  to  prevent  us  obtaining  the  means  of  defence,  and  thereby  subdue  us?  I hope  there  is- 
not;  and  if  there  is.  I am  sure  he  does  not  deserve  to  enjoy  the  blessings  of  freedom.  Heaven 
smiled  upon  and  gave  us  liberty  and  independence.  That  same  Providence  has  blessed  us* 
with  the  means  of  national  independence  and  national  defence.  If  we  omit  or  refuse  to  use  the 
gifts  which  he  has  extended  to  us,  we  deserve  not  the  continuation  of  his  blessings.  He  has  fill- 
ed our  mountains  and  our  plains  with  minerals — with  lead,  iron,  and  copper — and  given  us  cli- 
mate and  soil  for  the  growing  of  hemp  and  wool.  These  being  the  grand  materials  of  our  national 
defence,  they  ought  to  have  extended  to  them  adequate  and  fair  protection,  that  our  own  manu- 
factories and  laborers  may  be  placed  on  a fair  competition  with  those  of  Europe,  and  that  we  may' 
have  within  our  country  a supply  of  those  leading  and  important  articles  so  essential  in  war. 
Beyond  this  I look  at  the  tariff  with  an  eye  to  the  proper  distribution  of  labor,  and  to  revenue* 
and  with  a view  to  discharge  our  national  "debt.  jTam  one  of  those  who  do  not  believe  that  a na- 
tional debt  is  a national  blessing,  but  rather  a <Airse  to  a republic;  inasmuch  as  it  is  calculated 
to  raise  around  the  administration  a moneyed  aristocracy^  dangerous  to  the  liberties  of  the  coun- 
try. This  tariff — I mean  a judicious  one — possesses  more  fanciful  than  real  danger.  I will  ask. 
what  is  the  real  situation  of  the  agriculturist?  Where  has  the  American  farmer  a market  for  his 
surplus  product : Except  for  cotton,  he  has  neither  a foreign  nor  home  market.  Does  not  this 

clearly  prove,  when  there  is  no  market  either  at  home  or  abroad,  that  there  is  too  much  labor 
employed  in  agriculture,,  and  that  the  channels  for  labor  should  be  multiplied  ? Common  sense 
points  out,  at  once,  the  remedy.  Draw  from  agriculture  this  superabundant  labor ; employ  it  ir. 
mechanism  and  manufactures ; thereby  creating  a home  market  for  your  bread.- stuffs,  and  dis- 


9 


tributing  labor  to  the  most  profitable  account,  and  benefits  to  the  country  will  result.  Take 
from  agriculture,  in  the  United  States,  six  hundred  thousand  men,  women,  and  children,  and 
you  will  at  once  give  a home  market  for  more  bread-stuffs  than  all  Europe  now  furnishes  us. 
In  short,  sir,  we  have  been  too  long  subject  to  the  policy  of  the  British  merchants.  It  is  time 
that  wre  should  become  a little  more  Americanized , and,  instead  of  feeding  the  paupers  and  laborers 
of  England,  feed  our  own  ; or  else,  in  a short  time,  by  continuing  our  present  policy,  we  shall  all 
be  rendered  paupers  ourselves. 

“ It  is,  therefore,  my  opinion,  that  a careful  and  judicious  tariff  is  much  wanted,  to  pay  our 
national  debt,  and  afford  us  the  means  of  that  defence  within  ourselves  on  which  the  safety  of 
our  country  and  liberty  depends ; and  last,  though  not  least,  give  a proper  distribution  to  our 
labor,  which  must  prove  beneficial  to  the  happiness,  independence,  and  wealth  of  the  community.., 

“This  is  a short  outline  of  my  opinions  generally  on  the  subject  of  your  inquiry ; and  believ- 
ing them  correct,  and  calculated  to  further  the  prosperity  and  happiness  of  my  country,  I de- 
clare to  you  1 would  not  barter  them  for  any  office  or  situation  of  a temporal  character  that  could 
be  given  me.” 


Extract  of  a message  from  Andrew  Jackson,  President  of  the  United  Stales,  to  Congress,  December 

8,  1829. 

“iSTo  very  considerable  change  has  occurred,  during  the  recess  of  Congress,  in  the  condition 
of  either  our  agriculture,  commerce,  or  manufactures. 

“ To  regulate  ite  conduct,  so  ns  to  promote  equally  the  prosperity  of  these  three  cardinal  in  - 
terests, is  one  of  the  most  difficult  tasks  of  government;  and  it  may  be  regretted  that  the  com- 
plicated restrictions  which  now  embarrass  the  intercourse  of  nations  could  not  by  common 
consent  be  abolished,  and  commerce  allowed  to  flow  in  those  channels  to  which  individual  en- 
terprise— always  its  surest  guide — might  direct  it.  But  we  must  ever  expect  selfish  legislation 
in  other  nations,  and  are  therefore  compelled  to  adapt  our  own  to  their  regulations,  in  the  man- 
ner best  calculated  to  avoid  serious  injury,  and  to  harmonize  the  conflicting  interests  of  our 
agriculture,  our  commerce,  and  our  manufactures.  Under  these  impressions,  I invite  your  atten- 
tion to  the  existing  tariff,  believing  that  some  of  its  provisions  require  modification. 

“ The  general  rule  to  be  applied  in  graduating  the  duties  upon  articles  of  foreign  growth  or 
manufacture,  is  that  which  will  place  our  own  in  fair  competition  with  those  of  other  countries ; 
and  the  inducements  to  advance  even  a step  beyond  this  point  are  controlling  in  regard  to  those  articles 
which  are  of  primary  necessity  in  time  of  war.  When  we  reflect  upon  the  difficulty  and  delicacy 
of  this  operation,  it  is  important  that  it  should  never  be  attempted  but  with  the  utmost  caution. 
Frequent  legislation  in  regard  to  any  branch  of  industry  affecting  its  value,  and  by  which  its  capital 
may  be  transferred  to  new  channels,  must  always  be  productive  of  hazardous  speculation  and  loss. 

U3=*  “ In  deliberating,  therefore,  on  these  interesting  subjects,  local  feelings  and  prejudices 
should  be  merged  in  the  patriotic  determination  to  promote  the  great  interests  of  the  whole.  All 
attempts  to  connect  them  with  the  party  conflicts  of  the  day  are  necessarily  injurious,  and  should 
be  discountenanced.  Our  action  upon  them  should  be  under  the  control  of  higher  and  purer 
motives.  Legislation  subjected  to  such  influences  can  never  be  just,  and  will  not  long  retain 
the  sanction  of  a people  whose  active  patriotism  is  not  bounded  by  sectional  limits,  nor  insen- 
sible to  that  spirit  of  concession  and  forbearance  which  gave  life  to  our  political  compact,  and 
still  sustains  it.  Discarding  all  calculations  of  political  ascendancy,  the  north,  the  south,  the 
east,  and  the  west,  should  unite  in  diminishing  any  burden  of  which  either  may  justly  complain. 

“ The  agricultural  interest  of  our  country  is  so  essentially  connected  with  every  other,  and  so 
superior  in  importance  to  them  all,  that  it  is  scarcely  necessary  to  invite  to  it  your  particular 
attention.  - It  is  principally  as  manufactures  and  commerce  tend  to  increase  the  value  of  agricultural 
productions,  and  to  extend  their  application  to  the  xvants  and  comforts  of  society,  that  they  deserve  the 
fostering  care  of  government. 

“ Looking  forward  to  the  period,  not  far  distant,  when  a sinking  fund  will  no  longer  be  re- 
quired, the  duties  on  those  articles  of  importation  which  cannot  come  in  competition  with  our  own 
productions,  arc  the  first  that  should  engage  the  attention  of  Congress  in  the  modification  of  the  tariff. 
Of  these , tea  and  coffee  are  the  most  prominent : they  enter  largely  into  the  consumption  of  the 
country,  and  have  become  articles  of  necessity  to  all  classes.” 

Extract  of  a message  from  Andrew  Jackson,  President  of  the  United  States,  to  Congress,  December 

7,  1830. 


“ Among  the  numerous  causes  of  congratulation,  the  condition  of  our  impost  revenue  deserves 
special  mention,  inasmuch  as  it  promises  the  means  of  extinguishing  the  public  debt  sooner  than 
was  anticipated,  and  furnishes  a strong  illustration  of  the  practical  effects  of  the  present  tariff1 
upon  our  commercial  interests. 

“ The  object  of  the  tariff  is  objected  to  by  some  as  unconstitutional ; and  it  is  considered  by 
almost  all  as  defective  in  many  of  its  parts. 

“ The  power  to  impose  duties  on  imports  originally  belonged  to  the  several  States.  The  right 
to  adjust  those  duties,  with  a view  to  the  encouragement  of  domestic  branches  of  industry,  is  so 
completely  incidental  to  that  power,  that  it  is  difficult  to  suppose  the  existence  of  the  one  without, 


10 


tne  other.  EC^The  States  have  delegated  their  whole  authority  over  imports  to  the  general 
government,  without  limitation  or  restriction,  saving  the  very  inconsiderable  reservation  relating 
to  their  inspection  laws.  This  authority  having  thus  entirely  passed  from  the  States,  the  ri°ht 
to  exercise  it  for  the  purpose  of  protection  does  not  exist  in  them  : and  consequently  if  it  be  not 
possessed  by  the  general  government,  it  must  be  extinct.  Our  political  system  would  thus  pre- 
sent the  anomaly  of  a people  stripped  of  the  right  to  foster  their  own  industry,  and  to  counteract 
the  most  selfish  and  destructive  policy  which  might  be  adopted  by  foreign  nations.  This  surely 
cannot  be  the  case.  This  indispensable  power,  thus  surrendered  by  the  States,  must  be  within 
the  scope  of  the  authority  on  the  subject,  expressly  delegated  to  Congress. 

“ In  this  conclusion  I am  confirmed  as  well  by  the  opinions  of  Presidents  Washington,  Jeffer- 
son, Madison,  and  Monroe,  who  have  each  repeatedly  recommended  the  exercise  of  this  right 
under  the  constitution,  as  by  the  uniform  practice  of  Congress,  the  continued  acquiescence  of  the 
States,  and  the  general  understanding  of  the  people.” 

H33  “ That  our  deliberations  on  this  interesting  subject  should  be  uninfluenced  by  those  par- 
tisan conflicts  that  are  incident  to  free  institutions,  is  the  fervent  wish  of  my  heart.  To  make 
this  great  question,  which  unhappily  so  much  divides  and  excites  the  public  mind,  subservient 
to  the  short-sighted  views  of  faction,  must  destroy  all  hope  of  settling  it  satisfactorily  to  the 
great  body  of  the  people,  and  for  the  general  interest.  I cannot,  therefore,  in  taking  leave  of 
r ,e  subject,  too  earnestly,  for  my  own  feelings  or  the  common  good,  warn  you  against  the 
blighting  consequences  of  such  a course.” 

Extract  of  a manage  from  Jtndrew  Jacleson,  President  of  the  United  States,  to  Congress,  Dec.  6,  1831. 

“ The  confidence  with  which  the  extinguishment  of  the  public  debt  may  be  anticipated  pre- 
sents an  opportunity  for  carrying  into  effect  more  fully  the  policy  in  relation  to  import  duties 
which  has  been  recommended  in  my  former  messages.  A modification  of  the  tariff  which  shall 
produce  a reduction  of  our  revenue  to  the  wants  of  the  government,  and  an  adjustment  of  the 
duties  on  imports  with  a view  to  equal  justice  in  relation  to  all  our  national  interests,  and  to  the 
counteraction  of  foreign  policy,  so  far  as  it  may  be  injurious  to  those  interests,  is  deemed  to  be 
one  of  the  principal  objects  which  demand  the  consideration  of  the  present  Congress.  In  the 
exercise  of  that  spirit  of  concession  and  conciliation  which  has  distinguished  the  friends  of  our 
Union  in  all  great  emergencies,  it  is  believed  that  this  object  may  be  effected  without  injury  to  any 
national  interest.”  J 

I think,  Mr.  President,  I have  clearly  established  the  democratic  character  of 
a tariff  for  protection  of  American  industry,  by  proofs  of  the  most  convincing 
character.  The  authorities  from  which  I have  quoted  have  all  been  regarded  as 
the  lights  of  the  republic,  and  I envy  not  the  man  who  would  attempt  to  lessen 
the  weight  of  their  opinions. 

In  recommending  these  views  to  Congress  at  different  times,  they  but  adopted 
the  views  of  every  nation  of  the  world  that  has  been  prosperous.  No  nation 
ever  flourished  that  did  not  take  care  of  its  own  citizens,  and  develop  its  own 
resources;  but  our  modern  philosophers  seem  to  be  “wise  above  what  is 
written.” 

In  the  olden  time,  Mr.  President,  when  democracy  was  certainly  not  less  pure 
than  at  present,  revenue  bills  originated  with  the  representatives  of  the  people. 
The  fathers  of  the  country  even  thought  it  wise,  in  forming  the  constitution,  to 
restrict  their  origin  to  the  House  of  Representatives.  .Now,  the  representatives 
of  the  people  are  saved  all  the  trouble  of  reflecting  upon  the  difficult  subject  of 
revenue.  The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  like  the  flrst  Lord  of  the  Treasury  in 
England,  makes  a bill,  and  hands  it  to  the  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Finance 
in  the  House.  Cabinet  ministers  bring  all  their  influence  to  bear,  and,  by  the 
aid  of  the  previous  question,  force  the  bill  through. 

It  is  sent  to  the  Senate,  and  some  mysterious  influence  there  prevents  the  bill 
from  being  referred,  and  taking  the  ordinary  course  of  all  measures  of  this  kind. 
We  are  told  that  the  interests  of  the  democratic  party  require  its  immediate  pas- 
sage. Honorable  Senators  admit  that  it  is  not  a good  bill,  but  they  cannot  go 
against  the  party.  Such  subservience  to  ministers  would  do  credit  to  a British 
House  of  Lords,  but  is,  in  my  opinion,  in  bad  keeping  in  an  American  Senate. 
Iam  proud  to  call  myself  a democrat.  I am  the  son  of  a democrat.  I repre- 
sent a State  whose  democracy  no  one  will  doubt;  and,  for  one,  I must  object  to 
this  mode  of  fixing  principles  on  the  party.  I was  taught  in  early  life  to  believe 


11 


that  the  democratic  party  was  the  friend  of  the  poor — of  the  laboring  classes; 
that  its  principles  were  calculated  to  elevate  the  masses;  but  the  principles  of 
this  southern  democracy  would  rob  the  poor  man  of  his  labor,  and  make  him 
dependant  on  the  capitalists  of  England  for  his  scanty  subsistence.  Such  was 
not  the  doctrine  of  such  democrats  as  Jefferson,  Madison,  Monroe,  or  Jackson, 
as  I have  fully  shown. 

f IFTTas  been  said.that  the  tariff  of  1842  is  defective  in  many  of  its  details.  It 
may  be;  but  if  so,  why  do  not  gentlemen  point  out  these  defects  and  suggest 
remedies,  without  entirely  destroying  the  principles  upon  which  it  is  based  ? 
That  law  found  the  country  in  a state  of  unparalleled  distress.  Never,  in  a time 
of  profound  peace,  was  there  such  utter  ruin  and  dismay  pervading  the  whole 
country  Not  individuals  merely,  not  communities  only,  but  whole  States  were 
involved  in  the  general  bankruptcy  : even  the  general  government  itself  was 
without  credit,  and  without  the  means  of  carrying  on  its  ordinary  functions. 
From  the  time  the  compromise  act,  whose  principles  are  now  attempted  to  be 
re-enacted,  began  to  take  effect,  the  credit  of  the  country  began  to  sink.  Time 
only  added  to  these  difficulties  instead  of  relieving  them,  until,  at  the  end  of  Mr. 
Van  Buren's  adtniniatratioK,-  tho  govomment  was  many  millions  in  debt.  In 
vain  did  her  fiscal  officers  try  to  replenish  the  exhausted  treasury.  Her  creditors 
received  in  many  instances  only  “ promises  to  pay  and  no  one  had  courage 
enough  to  invest  in  her  loans,  even  at  a discount. 

The  memorable  rout  of  the  democratic  party  in  1840,  and  the  overthrow  of 
Mr.  Van  Buren’s  administration,  was  the  consequence  of  this  state  of  things.  j 

The  individual  cases  of  distress  which  pervaded  the  country  for  a period  pre- 
ceding the  law  of  1842  were  absolutely  heart-rending.  Rich  men  not  only  lost 
their  fortunes,  but  poor  men  lost  their  means  of  living.  Our  furnaces  and  our 
forges  and  our  workshops  were  emptied  ; our  merchants  were  ruined,  and  our 
farmers,  our  substantial  yeomanry,  many  of  them  with  abundance  of  products, 
for  want  of  a market,  found  themselves  in  the  hands  of  the  sheriff.  Not  a sec- 
tion of  the  whole  country  but  afforded  abundant  evidence  of  the  truth  of  this 
melancholy  picture.  You  know,  Mr.  President,  that  this  is  no  fancy  sketch. 
The  dockets  of  your  courts  and  the  streets  of  your  own  city,  and  all  the  business 
avenues  of  that  noble  commercial  mart,  could  be  appealed  to  for  its  truth. 

I remember,  and  you  doubtless  know,  that  in  the  organization  of  a new  court 
in  that  city  there  were  over  five  hundred  applicants  for  the  place  of  tip-stave. 
Healthy,  vigorous  men  sought  this  station,  to  get  bread  for  their  families.  A 
prominent  democrat  of  Pennsylvania,  alluding  to  the  subject,  uses  the  follow- 
ing language,  which  fully  corroborates  all  I have  said  : 

“ All  will  recollect  the  condition  of  our  country  in  1840  and  ’41.  The  political  campaign  and 
the  causes  which  controlled  it  must  be  fresh  in  remembrance.  Such  was  the  condition  of  the 
productive  classes,  that  an  able  statesman,  though  aided  by  all  the  patronage  of  the  national  and 
most  of  the  State  governments,  and  sustained  by  an  active  and  powerful  party,  which  had  never 
been  beaten,  was  hurled  from  the  Presidential  chair  by  an  overwhelming  torrent.  How  did  this 
happen  ? It  was  no  philosophical  abstraction  that  occupied  the  public  mind.  The  people  of  the 
United  States  are  essentially  a practical,  matter-of-fact  people.  The  free  trade  system  had  been 
gradually  working  since  1833,  and  was  being  felt  in  all  its  charms  at  the  time  of  that  election  ; a 
deep  gloom  pervaded  our  land  ; it  was  visible  in  every  countenance,  and  a single  idea  controlled 
and  determined  the  event.  ‘ Our  condition  can't  be  worse — let  us  have  a change ,’  was  on  the  lips 
of  every  one.  Mr.  Van  Buren  had  not  contributed  to  the  fearful  depression,  but  it  had  nearly 
attained  its  climax  at  an  unlucky  day  for  him.  Congress  found  the  country,  in  1842,  in  a most 
deplorable  condition  of  distress  and  despondency.  Every  man  who  was  in  any  way  connected 
with  productive  industry  will  remember  what  a dark  cloud  preceded  their  action  on  the  tariff  in 
that  year,  and  we  all  know  how  soon  confidence  revived  after  the  passage  of  the  Jaw;  and  all 
have  realized  the  growth  and  improvement  of  every  pursuit  in  our  country  from  that  time  to  this.” 

Do  gentlemen  desire  these  scenes  renewed  ? Will  men  never  learn  wisdom 
from  experience  ? How  is  it  now  ? How  changed  the  scene  ! If  a magician’s 
wand  had  been  waved  over  the  face  of  our  country,  the  result  would  hardly  have 
appeared  more  like  enchantment  than  the  reality  now  before  us.  No  man  is 


12 


See"'  inaaU  dfrections3;  ' Eve'rybod 


is  prosperous  and  everybody  is  happy 

gn?gi#isd 

Shal‘ d ,lw  ¥' ‘ ' h“  °all "these  b^SJ 

I have  already  intimated  u tat  I tolicvc  will  be  the  pnvna  arrhio  tai  t v 
‘ is  to  rv  o^fYh  e°paT / is  <but  *the  XheT/of'h^  foture  ?•  *j£  Vsuh'T  V H 

inTerT'd  Pvr,ylbe- made  the  theatre  of  this  distress  and  ruin  ? What  is  there 
neat  H ?,  ’,her  bUS,neSS>  0r  the  character  of  her  people,  that  makes  these  ?T 

PTOper  ? The  ^ is  one  of  ZZt 

-™  e“  in'°  * 


stii‘±wr^,i'a'“a  SMatts; 

S? ZSJT 1.  I b“"  »'  MtWy  nuMs.tnd  , ch.i  h„  I,m’ 

has  Ton  ZZntiL'Z}*”  ?.“*'  ‘he'r  !nle|hgeoce,  and  ihnir  skill.  Non  hese 
i , 10n  been  paid  to  agriculture  as  a pursuit  or  as  a science  and 

SEdwW;?“"  r r; 

infant  manufactures  and  developing  the  resources  of  their  mines. 

tails' Vshln’aMeiT  T trfV  anu  if  1 cann0t  inslruct  the  Senate  by  its  de- 
ails  1 shall  at  least  astonish  them  by  the  rapidity  of  its  growth  • and  I trust  I 

T PKaUleVbef0re  they  a‘d  in  the^ntire  destmcUoUn  of 

of  industry  in  the  country!  ^ ^ mCreaSed  m°re  rapidl*  than  an?  branch 

cor.h:e7eairtt~red  in  lS2°- ln  that  -vear  °n,y  363  tons  ofa‘'thra<^ 


13 


1,073  tons. 
2,240 
33,699 
174,737 
556,835 
865,414 
1,108,001 
2,021,674 


In  1821  - 

1822  ..... 

1825  

1830  

j 1835  .... 

' 1840  - 

1 1842  ..... 

i 1845 

And  in  1846  it  will  fully  reach  2,500,000  tons. 

H is  a remarhaWe  fact,  that,  in  proportion  to  the  aid  extended  by  the  govern, 
nent  to  this  important  trade,  not  only  has  the  quantity  increased/but  the  price 

t0  thTT  CltlZr 5 thus  comPletely  destroying  the  free  trade  theory 
)f  the  present  day.  Upon  the  same  principle,  the  price  will  continue  to  fall  as 

.rtion^th/  mme(J  nses’  ,t0  alcertain/xtent ; like  all  other  commercial  trans- 
operate!  makes  his  profits  from  the  amount  of  business  he  does, 
3h;,^  t?a,n  th®  separate  items  of  it.  This  will  be  seen  by  the  table  of  sales  in 
hiladelphia,  New  York,  and  Boston,  for  the  last  six  years  : 


fears. 

840 

.841 

.842 

843 

844 

845 


Philadelphia, 
per  ton  $5  50 
5 00 
4 25 
3 50 
3 37 
3 50 


N.  York. 
$8  00 
7 75 
6 50 
5 75 

5 50 

6 00 


Boston. 

$9  00  to  $11 

8 00  to  9 

6 00  to  6 

6 00  to  6 

6 00  to  6 

6 00  to  7 


00 

00 

50 

50 

50 

00 


In  1840  labor  was  from  $5  to  $6  a week  ; now  it  commands  from  $ 8 to  $10. 
Here  is  a regular  decrease  for  five  years.  In  the  present  year  there  is  a shght 

^hillTf'T  the  destruction  of  the  Schuylkill  canal,  and  the  consequfnt 
lability  of  the  miners  to  send  a sufficient  quantity  to  market. 

Twenty  years  ago  good  wood  commanded,  nearly  every  winter,  in  the  Phila- 
elphia  and  New  York  markets,  as  much  as  $8  and  $10  a cord,  and  frequently, 
extremely  co  d winters  it  rose  much  higher.  So  much  distress  was  there 

fthe  es  ahf  h 16S,  H ^ Want  °f  fuel’  that  “ led-  as  a matter  of  necessity, 
c himllf  , .°n  f"e|-sav,."g  socleties>  which  the  poor  man  could  pro- 

-ct  himse!f  against  the  high  prices  in  the  winter  season.  Now,  a ton  of  coal, 

iesehr?tie«Uf  ° h °ord  and  a half  of  hickory  wood,  can  be  purchased  in  either  of 
ese  cities  for  what  was,  twenty  years  ago,  the  lowest  price  of  a cord  of  wood. 

' n dU?tl0n  °[  lh‘S  neW  arllc,e  of  fuel,  which  has  been  fostered  and  en- 

'ssarvf flife  3 ,,1  T reT“e  lavvs’ has  brought  down  the  price  of  this  ne- 
.ssary  of  life,  and  has  been  the  cause  of  more  comfort  to  the  poor  man’s  home 

racheVoTofT  °f  ^ ^ Thi^  >'ears  aS°  this  articlc(I  mean  the  an- 
® ,C?al  of  Pennsylvania)  was  entirely  unknown  j now  it  gives  employ- 
ent  to  labor,  annually,  equal  to  five  millions  of  days’  work.  It  gives  emnlov- 
ent  to  about  , 00  ships  of  160  tons  each,  and  it  affords  a nursery  for  the  education 
about  5,000  seamen,  the  importance  of  which  can  only  be  felt  in  case  of  a war 
ith  a “nlime  P°'ver-  destroy  this  business,  and  you  transfer  this  nursery  to 
e coal  mines  of  Great  Britain.  It  has  invested  in  it  more  than  fifty  millions 

) OOOor’wTnnn  susta!ns  a P°Pulat|on  m its  immediate  neighborhood  of  some 
1,000  or  70,000  people.  It  consumes  annually  more  than  two  millions  of  dol- 

f,  ',  °l  agricultural  products,  and  more  than  three  and  a half  millions  of 
>liars  worth  of  merchandise. 

The  oil  alone  consumed  in  the  anthracite  coal  region  of  Pennsylvania,  in  one 
ar,  is  worth  over  three  hundred  thousand  dollars.  J 

tHe  minersJt0  thf  ^ners  ofland  amounts  to  an  annual  sum  of 

)t  more’  th™  produce^  a very  sma11  charge  on  each  ton  mined— 

more  than  30  or  40  cents— all  the  remainder  being  expended  for  labor  in 


14 


one  form  or  another;  and  the  land  for  which  this  rent  is  paid  was,  until  recently 
a barren  waste. 

The  effect  of  the  tariff  upon  this  branch  of  our  industry  is  illustrated  by  the 
following  fact : 

In  1837  the  amount  of  coal  sent  to  market  was  - - 881,000  tons. 

In  1842,  with  low  duties,  it  had  increased  to  only  - - 1,108,000 

Showing  an  increase  of  227,000  tons  in  five  years.  In  1846  it  will  be  over 
2,500,000  tons,  showing  an  increase,  under  the  effects  of  the  tariff  of  1842,  in 
a period  of  only  four  years,  of  1,392,000  tons. 

Among  the  striking  effects  of  the  introduction  of  this  article,  fostered  as  it 
has  been  by  our  tariff  laws,  is  one  for  the  correctness  of  which  I appeal  to  the 
Senators  of  Massachusetts  : the  completion  of  the  Reading  railroad,  one  of  the 
avenues  by  which  the  coal  reaches  market,  has  made  such  a reduction  in  the 
price  of  fuel  in  that  State,  that  the  amount  saved  annually  to  its  citizens  equals 
the  interest  on  her  whole  State  debt;  thus  virtually  abolishing  the  debt  itself.  I 
take  this  State  as  a matter  of  convenience,  as  it  is  the  great  market  of  the  east. 
Its  effect  on  other  States,  particularly  New  York,  must  be  equally  striking. 
And  yei,  if  I may  De  permitted  to  digress,  we  see  public  men,  professing  to 
represent  the  interest  of  their  constituents,  giving  their  aid  to  the  destruction  of 
this  business,  so  important  to  those  interests. 

The  anthracite  coal  is  confined  to  the  eastern  base  of  the  Allegany  moun- 
tains. On  the  western  slope  only  is  found  bituminous  coal,  and  almost  every 
western  county  of  Pennsylvania,  and  nearly  every  one  of  the  western  States, 
abounds  in  it.  I have  not  had  time  to  investigate  the  amount  of  business  con- 
nected with  it ; the  operations  of  it  have  been  confined  to  local  sections : but 
it  has  greatly  increased  since  the  tariff  of  1842  has  kept  the  British  coal  from 
competing  with  it  in  the  New  Orleans  market.  I will,  however,  give  one  fact, 
showing  the  effect  of  the  trade  and  use  of  this  article  upon  the  prosperity  of  the 
country.  The  city  of  Pittsburg,  it  is  known  to  all,  lies  in  a basin  surrounded 
with  coal  veins.  It  is  one  vast  workshop,  and  its  whole  growth  and  prosperity 
is  derived  from  the  coal  extracted  from  the  frowning  mountains  which  sur- 
round it.  Every  one  of  its  citizens  lives,  directly  or  indirectly,  from  the  produce 
of  the  coal  mines. 

The  town  of  Pittsburg  in  1813  had  but  5,748  inhabitants.  In  1840  the  popu- 
lation of  the  city  proper  was  21,166.  It  is  now'  45,000 — more  than  doubled  in 
six  years.  I have  not  the  data,  but  I presume  nearly  all  this  increase  has  taken 
place  since  1842,  as  I know,  for  some  years  preceding  the  passage  of  the  tariff 
bill,  business  w as  almost  entirely  suspended.  The  population  of  the  city  and 
surrounding  villages,  w hich  are  actually  a part  of  the  city,  amounts  to  the  round 
number  of  100,000,  and  its  whole  prosperity  has  its  origin  in  its  coal  and  its 
iron,  and  the  manufactures  which  they  have  brought  into  existence.  The  coal 
now  used  by  our  steamships  on  the  gulf  is  furnished  from  the  Monongahela 
coal  mines;  and  the  movements  of  our  fleet  before  Vera  Cruz,  to  which  the 
eyes  of  the  nation  are  now  turned,  will  greatly  depend  on  an  abundance  of  this 
important  means  of  national  defence  writhin  our  own  borders.  Destroy  the  trade 
produced  by  these  mines,  and  in  time  of  wrar  we  might  have  to  depend  on  our 
enemy  for  a supply  of  this  essential  element  in  modern  warfare. 

I beg  western  Senators  to  look  at  the  picture  which  Pittsburg  presents  to  them, 
in  the  hope  that,  instead  of  aiding  to  destroy  the  tariff,  they  will  look  to  the  many 
points,  equally  well  situated,  with  coal  and  iron  around  them,  upon  which  cities 
may  be  made  to  grow’  up,  and,  like  it,  become  a market  for  the  vast  agricultural 
products  of  their  fertile  regions. 

The  next  most  important  product  of  Pennsylvania  is  her  manufactures  of  iron. 

By  the  census  of  1840,  the  number  of  furnaces  in  Pennsylvania  was  213. 
Returns  were  procured  in  1842  from  a large  number  of  them,  showing  them  to 
be  capable  of  producing  152,000  tons  of  pig  metal.  The  tariff  of  1842  found  the 


15 


fires  of  nearly  all  these  furnaces  extinguished,  their  workmen  idle,  and  their 
families  in  many  cases  without  the  means  of  subsistence.  And  it  is  a melan- 
choly truth  that  many  debts  then  contracted  for  the  means  of  living  are  still  un- 
paid from  the  savings  of  years  of  hard  labor.  Since  the  passage  of  the  bill  of 
1842  more  than  100  new  furnaces  have  been  built,  which  produce  178,000  tons 
of  metal — more  than  100  per  cent,  of  an  increase. 

The  investment  of  capital  to  produce  one  ton  of  charcoal  pig  metal  is  esti- 
mated at  $47,  and  for  anthracite  pig  metal  $25.  These  sums  multiplied  by  the 
amounts  of  charcoal  and  anthracite  metal  annually  produced  by  the  furnaces 
that  have  been  erected  since  1842,  shows  a capital  of  $6,000,000  invested  in  the 
business  since  that  time.  This  and  the  capital  previously  invested,  with  the 
amount  necessary  to  put  the  metal  into  castings,  &c.,  makes  the  whole*invest> 
ment  about  $20,000,000.  This  is  wholly  independent  of  the  current  expendi- 
tures necessary  to  produce  the  iron. 

The  metal  produced  by  these  furnaces  annually,  in  its  raw  state,  is  worth 
$11,000,000,  If  one-half  of  it,  which  is  probable,  is  converted  into  bar  or 
other  coarse  iron,  it  cannot  be  done  for  less  than  an  expenditure  of  $9,000,000  } 
and  if  tho  nthor  half  Ka  put  infr»  Aaatingo,  it  will  onot  <£4^000,000.  Thus  showing' 

an  actual  expenditure  of  24,000,000  of  dollars  annually  in  the  neighborhood  of 
the  furnaces  ; the  greater  part  of  which  is  paid  to  the  farmer,  the  laborer,  and  the 
mechanic,  of  the  surrounding  country. 

A careful  estimate  shows  that  about  seventeen  thousand  men  are  necessary  to 
produce  the  iron  made  in  Pennsylvania  this  year,  in  the  capacity  of  laborers  and 
mechanics,  in  connexion  with  its  immediate  production.  Allowing  six  persons 
to  a family,  and  we  have  over  a hundred  thousand  persons  immediately  con- 
nected with  the  labor  of  these  furnaces.  The  labor  necessary  to  convert  this 
metal  into  bars,  hoops,  castings,  railway  iron,  &c.,  &c.,  would  fully  equal  another 
hundred  thousand  persons.  In  this  estimate  there  is  no  account  taken  of  the 
thousands  upon  thousands  of  persons  engaged  in  the  various  pursuits  growing 
out  of,  and  indirectly  connected  with,  the  manufacture  of  iron. 

I have  given  here  a statement  of  the  manufacture  of  iron  in  its  first  stages 
only.  I have  no  means  of  estimating  the  number  of  persons  or  the  amount  of 
capital  employed  in  converting  it  into  machinery,  mechanical  uses,  and  the  end- 
less variety  of  fabrics  into  which  it  enters. 

Every  village  in  the  State  has  one  or  more  foundries;  every  large  town  has 
its  machine  shop;  and  the  sound  of  the  steam  engine  greets  your  ear  at  every 
turn.  I have  not  had  time  to  pursue  this  investigation  in  all  its  minor  details. 
There  is  no  means  of  estimating  the  variety  of  use  to  which  it  is  destined  to  be 
applied.  It  is  already  used  extensively  in  boats,  and  to  some  extent  in  ships 
of  the  largest  class;  and  it  is  the  only  material  of  which  ships  engaged  in  the 
commerce  of  the  gulf  can  be  made  proof  against  the  destructive  character  of 
the  marine  worms  of  that  region.* 


* As  an  illustration  of  the  value  of  labor  that  is  put  upon  it,  1 give  to  the  curious 
table: 

The  quantity  of  cast  iron  worth  £ 1 sterling  becomes  worth  the  following  sums  : 
When  converted  into  ordinary  machinery  ------ 

Large  ornamental  work 
Buckles,  (Berlin  work)  - 

Neck  chains  - 

Shirt  buttons  

The  quantity  of  bar  iron  worth  £1  sterling  becomes,  when  formed  into 

Horse-shoe  work  

Knives,  (table) 

Needles 

Penknife  blades 

Polished  buttons  and  buckles 

Balance  springs  of  watches 


the  following 

£ s. 
4 0 
45  0 
660  0 
1,386  0 
5,896  0 

2 10 
36  0 
71  0 
657  0 
897  0 
50,000  0 


m 


What  I have  done  has  been  with  a view  of  showing  the  great  importance  of 
this  trade,  now  threatened  with  destruction  ; with  no  motive,  that  I can  see, 
unless  it  be  to  build  up  in  the  south  a lordly  aristocracy  who  have  no  com 
ception  of  the  dignity  of  labor.  It  shall  not  be  said  hereafter  that  this  calamity 
was  brought  upon  the  laboring  men  of  my  country  without  all  the  effort  in  my 
power  to  prevent  it.  My  sympathies  are  with  these  people.  I come  from  among 
the  children  of  toil,  and,  by  constant  application  and  honest  labor,  have  reached 
the  proud  position  I occupy  to-day.  The  best  legacy  I could  desire  to  leave  my 
children  would  be  the  fact  that  I had  contributed  to  defeat  a measure  fraught, 
as  I believe  this  is,  with  calamity  to  those  with  whom  I have  mingled  all  my 
life.  These  laboring  men  are  mostly  democats.  Their  employers  are  frequently 
of  the  opposite  politics ; yet,  with  the  freedom  and  independence  that  I hope  will 
ever  characterize  the  yeomanry  of  this  land,  they  vote  entirely  untrammelled. 
They  will  be  surprised  to  be  told  now  that  the  doctrine  of  a protective  tariff, 
which  they  have  always  believed  in  and  sustained,  is  not  democratic. 

What  American  citizen  can  desire  to  see  his  fellow-citizens  brought  down  to  a 
level  with  the  pauper  labor  of  Europe  ? What  makes  our  country  great  but  the  in- 
dustry, the  intelligence,  and  hrm^t  ontorpi-iso  r»f  the  men  whose  means  of  living 

is  to  be  taken  from  them  by  this  bill?  In  what  other  country  under  heaven  has 
the  man  who  toils  for  his  daily  bread  the  right  to  say  who  shall  make  and  ad- 
minister his  laws?  Where  else  is  the  proud  spectacle  presented  of  the  labor- 
ing man  approaching  the  ballot-box  free,  and  without  restraint?  In  what  other 
country  can  the  journeyman  mechanic  reach  the  Senate  chamber?  And  yet  this 
bill  seems  to  have  no  other  contemplation  of  the  laboring  man  here,  than  as 
the  pauper  laborer  of  Europe.  But  how  different  is  their  condition.  At  one 
iron  establishment  in  Wales,  where  three  thousand  men  are  employed,  over 
2,000  of  them  get  but  12f  cents  a day  ^ others,  from  16  to  20  cents  a day,  and 
board  themselves.  In  this  country  the  lowest  price  paid  is  a dollar,  and  others 
receive  from  $2  to  $4  a day. 

We  make  in  the  Union  about  480,000  tons  of  iron  annually,  more  than  half 
of  which  is  made  in  Pennsylvania. 

The  product  of  British  iron  manufactured  is  about  1,500,000  tons.  The  pop- 
ulation in  Great  Britain  proper  exceeds  ours  by  about  7,000,000.  In  1825, 
their  duty  on  a ton  of  bar  iron  was  $37  50.  It  was  kept  at  that  until  the  fa- 
cilities for  making  it  enabled  them  to  make  it  cheaper  than  any  other  nation* 
Our  facilities  for  making  it  are  daily  increasing ; and  the  day  is  not  distant 
when  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  will  be  able  to  compete  with  England,  if  her 
furnaces  are  not  strangled  now  by  this  bill. 

In  France,  at  the  present  day,  there  is  a duty  of  $41  75  on  rolled  iron,  and 
$15  50  on  pig  metal.  Russia  has  a heavy  duty  on  iron  ; so  has  Sweden  ; and 
indeed  every  nation  that  produces  it.  The  consequence  must  be  that  the  iron 
of  England  must  break  down  our  manufacturers ; for,  having  no  other  market, 
she  will  at  any  price  flood  ours,  until  our  furnaces  are  closed  and  our  capital 
gone  into  some  other  channel ; when,  having  no  competition,  she  will  force 
her  own  price  and  make  her  own  profits.  Why  should  not  this  trade  be  pre- 
served to  our  own  people  ? Why  should  the  bonds  of  union,  formed  by  the 
commerce  in  these  articles  between  the  different  States,  be  broken  up  ? If  the 
Union  is  worth  preserving,  why  not  by  all  means  strengthen  the  cords  which 
bind  it  together?  We  may  be  almost  a world  within  ourselves.  We  have  every 
soil  and  climate  under  the  sun,  and  every  product  of  the  world  can  be  fur- 
nished in  some  one  of  the  States  ; and,  while  we  are  giving  just  protection  to 
the  agriculture,  manufactures,  navigation,  commerce,  and  the  mechanic  arts  of 
the  different  sections,  we  are  contributing  to  the  comfort,  happiness,  and  secu- 
rity of  the  whole  Union.  It  is  idle  to  expect  that  the  reduction  of  the  duties 
on  these  articles  will  reduce  the  price.  It  is  a well  known  fact  that  the  lessees 
of  the  British  coal  mines  and  the  iron  manufacturers  can  control  the  supply, 


17 


by  an  arrangement  among  themselves.  They  now  have  quarterly  meetings  to 
effect  that  object,  and  to  fix  the  prices ; and  no  more  is  produced  than  is  neces- 
sary to  command  a particular  price.  If  this  bill  is  passed,  we  shall  of  course 
have  to  comply  with  their  terms. 

I have  alluded  somewhat  at  length  to  some  of  the  principal  branches  of 
manufactures  and  commerce  in  my  State.  I have  done  so  in  the  hope  of  ar- 
resting the  attention  of  Senators,  and  of  inducing  them  to  pause  before  they  de- 
stroy them.  There  are  others  of  great  importance,  but  time  will  not  permit  me 
to  pursue  them  in  detail.  Her  cotton  and  woolen  manufactures  are  both  very 
extensive,  and  furnish  employment  to  many  thousand  people.  The  city  of 
Philadelphia  itself  is  one  vast  manufactory,  in  which,  within  the  last  four  years, 
has  silently  sprung  up  some  of  the  largest  establishments  in  the  Union,  and 
in  which  are  made  fabrics  equal  to  the  finest  productions  of  the  world.  Her 
locomotives  fly  over  the  railroads  of  various  quarters  of  the  globe,  and  her  steam 
engines  are  used  in  every  State  of  the  Union.  Her  glass  works  are  extensive 
and  prosperous,  and  rival  the  best  productions  of  Europe.  New  woolen  and 
cotton  manufactories  are  springing  up  daily,  and  now  scarcely  need  protection, 
jexcept  from  the  frauds  which  will  most  certainly  be  practised  under  this  bill. 

The  manufacture  of  paper  in  the  State  employs  about  fifteen  hundred  persons, 
in  about  one  hundred  mills,  who  receive  annually  in  wages  about  $300,000. 
The  product  of  these  mills  amounts  to  about  $1,250,000.  This  article  is  pro- 
duced mainly  from  a material  which  is  otherwise  entirely  useless.  The  amount 
of  rags  consumed  is  equal  in  value  to  $600,000.  The  effect  of  this  manufac- 
ture upon  the  household  economy  of  every  family  must  be  obvious  to  every  one, 
of  the  slighest  perceptions.  Other  nations,  wiser  it  would  seem  than  us,  have 
placed  a proper  estimate  upon  its  importance.  France,  by  an  unusual  restric- 
tion, prohibits  entirely  the  exportation  of  rags  from  her  dominions.  With  a 
population  of  33,000,000  who  are  producers  of  rags,  not  more  than  5,000,000 
probably  are  consumers  of  paper.  Rags  are,  therefore,  furnished  to  their  mills 
for  about  the  labor  of  collecting  them.  Not  more  than  a cent  or  two,  at  most, 
is  paid  for  the  best  rags,  while  in  this  country  they  command  three  times  that 
price.  This,  with  the  low  price  of  labor,  enables  them  to  send  their  paper 
here,  and  derive  a profit  after  paying  a very  high  duty.  Destroy,  as  you  will  by 
this  bill,  the  entire  manufacture  of  many  kinds  of  paper  in  this  country,  and 
suppose,  as  the  result — which,  however,  I do  not  admit — that  the  prices  will  be, 
reduced : I ask,  where  is  the  compensation  for  the  immense  loss  the  country 
will  suffer  in  the  destruction  of  the  domestic  market  for  her  rags  ? Senators 
will  be  surprised  when  I tell  them  that  the  waste  articles  from  which  paper  is 
made  in  this  country  amount  to  eighty  thousand  tons  per  annum,  and  that  they 
are  worth  at  least  six  and  a half  millions  of  dollars.  Let  it  be  remembered 
that  this  is  a mere  saving  of  an  otherwise  useless  article.  Experience  in  this 
country  proves  that  when  the  price  is  lower  than  now  paid,  the  supply  of  rags 
greatly  diminishes.  Materials  of  this  kind,  peculiar  to  the  southern  States,  pay 
for  all  the  paper  used  there ; and  those  materials  would  be  entirely  worthless  if 
our  paper  establishments  were  driven  out  of  existence. 

In  addition  to  the  vast  expenditure  by  individuals,  the  State  of  Pennsylvania 
has  invested,  herself,  over  forty  millions  of  dollars  to  create  avenues  for  carrying 
these  manufactures  to  market.  The  toll  paid  by  them  in  turn  enables  her  to  pay 
the  interest  on  this  debt ; the  prosperity,  therefore,  of  these  establishments,  is 
vitally  important  to  the  welfare  of  the  State  itself.  No  wonder, .then,  at  the  anxi- 
ety of  all  her  citizens  on  this  subject.  With  an  increased  tax  staring  them  in 
the  face,  to  pay  the  interest  on  their  State  debt,  and  a direct  tax  to  support  the 
general  government,  which  is  sure  to  follow  if  the  free  trade  notions  of  the 
south  are  cajried  out,  I pity  the  public  man,  Mr.  President,  who  shall  call  on 
them  after  having  contributed  to  this  result.  I have  referred  to  the  internal  im- 
provements of  Pennsylvania  as  State  works.  They  are  in  truth  great  national 


18 


works,  made  at  the  cost  of  a single  State.  Three-fourths  of  the  States  of  the 
Union  derive  immense  benefits  from  their  construction.  The  national  govern- 
ment already,  in  the  transportation  of  her  troops  and  munitions  of  war  over  them, 
has  saved  a large  sum.  She  could  now  transport  from  Philadelphia  to  Lake  Erie 
one  hundred  thousand  men  for  what  it  cost,  during  the  last  war  with  England, 
to  get  a single  regiment  there.  It  was  no  uncommon  price  then  to  pay  $360 
a ton  for  freight  from  Pittsburg  to  Erie.  By  our  canals  a ton  can  now  be 
transported  between  those  points  for  five  dollars  ; and  yet  the  general  govern- 
ment would,  by  this  bill,  prevent  us  from  paying  the  interest  upon  the  debt  con- 
tracted for  them. 

The  advocates  of  this  bill  offer  us,  as  a remedy  for  all  the  evils  to  be  produced 
by  the  destruction  of  our  manufactories  and  our  mechanic  interests,  an  increased 
market  for  our  agricultural  products.  Let  us  look  into  that.  The  Hon.  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury,  who  should  be  good  authority,  in  his  celebrated  Texas  let- 
ter urges  the  annexation  mainly  upon  the  importance  of  securing  by  it  a home 
market  for  our  agricultural  products.  In  that  letter  occurs  the  following  impor- 
tant passage  t “The  foreign  consumption  of  our  products  is  a mere  drop  in  the 
bucket  in  comparison  with  that  of  the  home  market.  * # # # 

Our  exports  of  domestic  products,  by  the  treasury  report  of  1840,  amount  to 
$103,533,896  ; deducting  which  from  our  whole  product,  (by  the  census  of  1840, 
$959,600,845,)  would  leave  $856,066,949  *of  our  products  consumed  in  that 
year  by  our  population  of  seventeen  millions,  and  the  consumption  of  our  do- 
mestic products  by  the  population  of  the  world  only  amounts  to  $103, 533, 896.” 
This  view  taken  in  that  letter  added  greatly  to  reconcile  the  people  of  the  north 
to  the  annexation  ; and  yet,  among  the  first  results  of  that  act  is  the  introduction 
of  a policy  wholly  adverse  to  the  arguments  upon  which  it  was  procured.  It  is 
well  known  that  without  Pennsylvania  the  annexation  could  not  have  been 
accomplished.  And  now  we  see  the  representatives  ofTexas  in  Congress  uniting 
in  a measure  which  Pennsylvania  deprecates  as  a curse,  which  only  her  enemies 
ought  to  inflict.  Is  this  the  return  we  had  a right  to  expect  ? Well  may  she 
exclaim,  “ Save  me  from  my  friends !”  But  to  return.  The  Secretary  was  cor- 
rect in  stating  that  we  must  look  at  home  for  a market.  The  small  amount  of 
exports — less  than  one-ninth  of  the  whole  amount  produced  in  the  country — 
ought  to  be  sufficient  to  satisfy  every  one  that  we  cannot  rely  on  a foreign 
market. 

' The  honorable  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Finance  has  undertaken  to 
show  that  there  has  been  a large  increase  in  our  exports  for  the  last  half  year. 
The  correctness  of  his  conclusions  are  rendered  doubtful  from  the  very  partial 
view  which  he  has  taken  of  the  subject.  He  has  given  us  only  the  exports  from 
the  port  of  New  York.  It  will  be  readily  seen  that  they  may  be  greatly  increased 
there,  and  yet  the  whole  amount  be  scarcely  varied.  Owing  to  the  restrictions 
heretofore  imposed  upon  our  trade  with  Great  Britain,  and  the  regulations  of 
their  colonial  system,  our  agricultural  products  were  taken  first  into  Canada, 
and  exported  thence  into  England.  The  recent  changes  in  her  corn  laws,  while 
they  have  materially  affected  the  interest  of  their  Canadian  subjects,  have  had  no 
beneficial  effect  upon  our  prices.  This  the  honorable  chairman  has  kept  out  of 
sight.  The  only  change  has  been  to  export  this  produce  directly  to  England 
instead  of  through  Canada,  without  benefiting  in  the  slightest  degree  the  farmer 
here. 

The  chairman  speaks  of  the  anticipated  repeal  of  the  corn  laws.  He  ought 
to  have  known  that  this  repeal  has  been  absolute  for  some  months.  When  Sir 
Robert  Peel  introduced  his  new  corn  bill  into  Parliament,  the  custom-house 
officers  were  directed  to  regulate  the  duties  by  its  provisions,  taking  bonds  from 
the  importer  for  the  difference  to  be  paid  should  the  bill  not  become  a law. 

It  is  probable  that  a larger  amount  of  breadstuff’s  will  be  shipped  this  year 


19 


than  heretofore,  but  for  reasons  very  different  from  that  assigned  by  the  honora- 
ble chairman.  One  I have  already  given.  The  anticipation  of  the  new  British 
tariff  regulations  gave  a sudden  and  unwarranted  advance  to  prices  here,  last 
fall.  Unusually  large  amounts  were  purchased  by  speculators.  Their  expecta- 
tions were  not  realized  ; and,  after  holding  as  long  as  their  means  and  credit 
would  permit,  they  were  compelled  to  sell  at  any  prices.  From  these  ruined 
speculators  it  went  into  the  hands  of  shippers,  who  have  sent  it  abroad.  I 
should  like  to  see  the  first  farmer  who  has  received  the  slightest  benefit  from 
the  modification  of  the  English  corn  laws.  It  is  an  indisputable  fact  that 
we  never  have  and  never  can  compete  with  northern  Europe  in  supplying  Eng- 
land with  breadstuffs  ! The  Ictws  of  nature  and  of  trade  render  it  utterly  im- 
practicable. The  history  of  the  flour  business  of  this  country  proves  that  when 
it  is  at  the  lowest  price,  exportations  are  largest.  When  the  farmer  sells  his 
flour  for  half  price,  when  the  dealer  and  miller  are  ruined  all  over  the  country, 
then,  and  then  only,  do  the  British  buy  breadstuffs  from  us  in  large  quantities: 
at  no  other  time  can  we  compete  with  the  low-priced  wheat  and  rye  shipped 
into  England  from  the  Russian  and  German  provinces — countries  where  literally 
the  “ox  is  muzzled  who  treads  out  the  corn,”  and  where  the  laborer  who 
produces  the  grain  is  permitted  only  to  eat  the  husks  from  which  the  wheat  is 
winnowed. 

W\re  are  referred  to  the  recent  action  of  England  upon  her  corn  laws,  as  a rea- 
son for  reducing  our  tariff  upon  foreign  manufactures.  Who  is  so  blind  as  not 
to  see  that  there  is  no  parallel  between  the  cases  ? In  England  it  is  an  effort  of 
the  laboring  population  to  rid  themselves  of  the  oppression  of  the  landed  aris- 
tocracy, by  which  they  are  deprived  of  their  bread.  Here,  it  is  an  effort  of  the 
aristocracy  to  deprive  the  laboring  man  of  the  means  of  earning  his  bread. 

The  great  market,  and  the  only  certain  market  of  this  country,  is  that  created 
by  the  manufacturing  interest  at  home.  Those  who  look  to  Europe  for  con- 
sumers of  the  products  of  our  soil  will  be  disappointed;  and,  in  the  end,  the 
surplus  population  and  increased  capital  of  the  west  will  seek  manufactures  as 
the  means  of  employment. 

In  proof  of  this  view  of  the  case,  I need  only  mention  the  fact  that  the  single 
State  of  Massachusetts  took  last  year  from  the  other  States  last  year  one  million  of 
barrels  of  flour — more  than  the  whole  export  of  that  article  from  the  United  States 
to  foreign  countries.  It  is  also  true  that  for  the  last  twenty  years  the  home  market 
has  generally  kept  the  price  of  breadstuffs  above  the  shipping  price.  These  facts 
ought  to  settle  this  question.  I might  ask,  in  conclusion,  what  beneficial  effect 
can  the  reduction  of  the  price  abroad  have  upon  our  products  here  ? 

The  objections  to  this  bill  itself  are  so  numerous,  that  it  is  hard  to  tell  where 
they  begin  or  where  they  end.  I am  glad  to  be  able  to  acquit  my  honorable 
and  able  friend,  the  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Finance,  from  all  par- 
ticipation in  concocting  a scheme  so  well  calculated  to  do  mischief,  so 
badly  adapted  to  the  legitimate  business  of  the  country,  and  so  certain  to  fail 
in  producing  a sufficient  revenue  to  meet  the  expectations  of  the  government 
Its  chief  evil  on  the  business  of  the  country  is  its  inefficient  provisions  to 
detect  and  punish  frauds  on  the  revenue.  Our  citizens  might  in  time,  to  some 
extent,  overcome  the  inadequacy  of  its  protection  ; but  there  is  no  method  by 
which  they  can  guard  against  the  frauds  that  will  be  practised  under  it.  My 
friend  the  chairman  felicitates  himself  upon  the  security  against  fraud  by  the 
absence  of  motive.  He  produces  an  array  of  figures  to  show  that  the  gain  upon 
an  invoice  of  goods  undervalued  15  per  cent,  would  produce  a profit  of  only 
percent.,  if  successful.  He  thinks  this  a very  small  matter;  and  to  the 
large  southern  planter,  accustomed  to  estimate  wealth  by  his  immense  cotton 
and  rice  fields,  it  may  be ; but  the  result  of  his  own  figures  will  show  it  to  be 
no  inconsiderable  sum.  Let  us  take  a single  case,  which  is  by  no  means  un- 


20 


common.  A foreign  manufacturer  sends  an  agent,  who  opens  a counting- 
house  in  New  York  ostensibly  for  the  purpose  of  importing  goods.  He  receives 
on  consignment  $800,000  worth  annually,  upon  which  the  per  cent,  gain 
by  the  undervaluation,  is  $20,000.  I am  assured  by  the  most  experienced  and 
intelligent  merchants  that  it  would  be  utterly  impossible  to  detect  an  underval- 
uationof  15  per  cent,  on  cloths.  I venture  to  affirm  that  you  could  not  find  a 
man  of  character  who  would  be  willing  to  put  his  judgment  in  the  scale  for 
the  difference  of  15  percent,  in  valuation,  when  the  sum  in  dispute  was  $1,UUU. 
This  beincr  the  case,  how  unlikely  is  it  that  appraisers,  appointed  as  they  are  tor 
their  political  services,  with  but  little  reference  to  their  business  qualifications, 
would  ever  detect  this  difference  in  the  valuation.  The  profits  of  large  mercan- 
tile transactions  are  generally  very  small  on  the  items.  Commission  houses, 
doinff  business  to  the  amount  of  a million  of  dollars,  will  guaranty  their  sales 
for  2£  per  cent.  When  the  consignment  is  very  large,  the  guaranty  is  frequently 

given  for  1A  or  2 per  cent.  , , 

Now  if  a house  on  the  other  side  can  save  an  amount  greater  than  they  would 
have  to  pay  for  the  guaranty  of  the  whole  amount  of  their  consignment,  I ask,  is 
there  not  motive  of  gain  sufficient  to  induce  the  undervaluation  ? particularly 
where  the  morals  on  the  subject  of  revenue  laws  are  as  loose  as  in  England 
and  France,  where  they  avow  it  is  not  wrong  to  cheat  the  government.  I am  as- 
sured by  a very  respectable  merchant,  that  of  the  large  number  of  foreign  agents 
doino-  business  in  New  York  under  the  compromise  act,  scarcely  any  of  them 
are  now  to  be  found  there.  Upon  the  passage  of  the  act  of  1842,  they  closed 
their  stores  and  went  home,  because  they  could  no  longer  defraud  the  govern- 
ment by  false  invoices.  

Another  serious  objection  to  the  bill  is  its  uniform  discrimination  in  favor  o 
the  foreign  mechanic  and  laborer  against  our  own.  This  principle — if  principle 
it  may  be  called— abounds  throughout  the  whole  bill.  Every  class  of  mechan- 
ics is  to  be  affected,  and  the  business  of  many  of  them  to  be  destroyed  by  it 
The  tailor,  the  hatter,  the  shoemaker,  the  saddler,  the  tinman,  the  blacksmith 
and  all  others,  will  see  their  towns  and  villages  filled  with  the  work  of  foreigi 
pauper  labor  underselling  them  at  their  own  doors,  to  pay  for  which  the  countr; 
is  to  be  drained  of  its  specie.  To  exemplify  this,  I will  refer  to  a few  only  o 
the  many  glaring  instances  of  this  character  in  the  bill.  There  are,  by  estimate 
in  the  United  States,  about  500,000  men  employed  in  making  clothes,  and  w< 
may  to  this  add  that  number  of  women  engaged  in  the  same  pursuit.  Ready 
made  clothes,  by  this  bill,  as  in  schedule  C,  are  charged  30  per  cent.,  and  th 
material  of  which  most  of  them  are  made  is  in  the  same  schedule.  All  knot 
that  the  labor  upon  clothes  in  Europe,  particularly  France,  is  done  by  poc 
women  and  half  starved  men,  who  eat  meat  perhaps  once  a month — who  giv 
no  education  to  their  children,  and  who  never  expect  to  see  them  elevate 
above  the  wretchedness  of  their  birth.  These  persons,  who  literally  work  f( 
a shilling  a day,  will  flood  the  country  with  ready-made  clothes,  and  drive  oi 
of  employment  this  intelligent  and  worthy  class  of  our  people. 

In  further  proof,  I will  cite  a few  cases  of  smaller  manufactures.  Take  tl 
case  of  ginger,  for  instance:  the  raw  material  in  schedule  B paying  40  per  cen 
ad  valorem,  while  the  manufactured  article  is,  in  schedule  C,  paying  30  p< 
cent.,  thus  giving  10  per  cent,  of  a premium  to  foreign  labor  over  our  own. 

The  like  case  occurs  in  iron  to  be  converted  into  steel.  The  raw  material  i 
in  schedule  C,  paying  30  per  cent.,  and  the  steel  itself  is,  in  schedule  F,  payir 
only  15  per  cent.  Again,  we  have  the  case  of  Peruvian  bark  to  be  convert* 
into  quinine.  The  raw  material  is  charged  15  per  cent.,  while  the  manufactur* 
one  is  charged  but  20 ; making  only  5 per  cent,  of  a difference,  when  heretofo 
there  has  been  a difference  of  20  per  cent,  in  order  to  encourage  its  mantifa 


ture  in  this  country.  The  amount  of  capital  invested  in  this  item,  apparently 
so  unimportant,  is  very  large.  A single  house  in  Philadelphia  has  in  its 
manufacture  more  than  $100,000.  This  branch  of  manufactures,  like  all 
others,  adds  largely  to  the  commerce  and  navigation  of  the  country.  It  re- 
quires 35  pounds  of  bark  to  make  one  of  quinine.  The  manufacturer  here 
purchases  the  cheap  domestic  fabrics  of  the  country,  ships  them  to  the  western 
coast  of  South  America,  and  barters  them  for  bark,  with  which  his  ships 
return  laden.  The  bark  is  made  into  quinine ; and  its  great  value  is  the  labor 
which  is  here  put  upon  it.  Our  great  competitors  in  this  manufacture  are  the 
the  English  and  the  French.  If  you  destroy  our  establishments,  you  transfer 
also  to  those  countries  the  commerce  and  navigation  connected  with  them. 
Western  Senators  may  perhaps  not  be  aware  of  the  great  importance  attached 
to  this  article  throughout  their  whole  country.  It  is  used  in  almost  every  form 
of  disease  that  presents  itself,  and  it  has  become  the  almost  constant  companion 
of  every  family  there.  Will  they  not  only  aid  in  destroying  the  labor  of  their 
fellow-citizens ; but  will  they  also  deprive  their  neighbors  of  the  poor  consolation 
of  procuring  a remedy  for  the  diseases  of  their  climate  ? Is  there  no  motive 
sacred  enough  to  arrest  this  unholy  crusade? 

Further  investigation  has  satisfied  me,  that  what  pretends  to  be  provisions  for 
producing  revenue  can  have  no  other  effect  than  to  act  as  an  absolute  prohibi- 
tion, preventing  entirely  the  importation  of  many  articles  that  are  very  important 
to  various  branches  of  our  industry,  and  some  of  them  even  necessary  to  our 
national  welfare.  I have  already  trespassed  much  longer  upon  the  time  of  the 
Senate  than  I had  intended  ; but,  to  show  the  incongruities  of  this  measure,  and 
that  it  is  unwise,  considered  as  a revenue  measure  alone,  let  me  give  you  the 
instance  of  cotton  goods  which  are  in  schedule  C,  and  charged  30  per  cent. 
Just  as  many  of  these  goods  will  be  imported  and  used  if  the  duty  were  three 
times  that  amount,  as  they  will  at  that  rate  ; for  they  are  articles  used  generally 
by  the  wealthy,  and  are  purely  luxuries,  and  none  of  them  made  in  this  country. 
They  are  cambrics,  jaconets,  mulls  of  various  kinds,  and  very  fine  muslins,  gen- 
erally of  the  kind  known  in  the  trade  as  white  goods.  A wise  financier,  in  a 
purely  revenue  bill,  would  collect  his  duties  from  the  articles  used  by  the  rich, 
and,  so  far  as  he  could,  leave  the  poor  untouched.  No  such  principle  is  in  this 
bill. 

I annex  a rate  of  duties  upon  cotton  articles,  which  I am  assured  by  active 
business  men  would  produce  at  least  50  per  cent,  more  revenue  than  the  same 
goods  will  under  the  House  bill,  and  at  the  same  time  protect  our  own  manu- 
factures, and  operate  less  oppressively  on  the  poor : 


No.  1.  All  cotton  goods  under  44  picks  to  the  sq.  inch,  1£  cts.  the  sq.  yd.  duty. 


2. 

Do 

under  56 

do 

3 cts. 

do 

3. 

Do 

under  60 

do 

4 cts. 

do 

4. 

Do 

under  64 

do 

5 cts. 

do 

5. 

Do 

under  72 

do 

6 cts. 

do 

6. 

Do 

under  100 

do 

9 cts. 

do 

No.  1 

embraces  all  kinds  of  heavy  brown  and  bleached  cotton  sheetings  and 

shirtings,  and  the  common  prints  and  stripes,  that  are  used  by  everybody,  and 
necessary  to  the  laboring  people ; and  the  duty  would  be  about  18  per  cent. 

No.  2 covers  printing  cloths,  of  which  calicoes  are  made  that  sell  at  from  9 
to  10  cents,  common  bleach  cottons  that  -sell  from  10  to  11 ; and  the  duty  would 
not  average  over  30  per  cent. 

No.  3 embraces  fine  print  cloths,  fine  she-eting  and  shirtings;  and  the  duty 
would  average  about  33  per  cent. 


22 


No.  4,  same  kinds  of  goods,  finer  grades,  about  35  per  cent. 

No.  o’  Do  still  finer,  about  38  per  cent. 

No.  6*  all  kinds  of  very  fine  “ white  goods,”  about  40  per  cent. 

I have  said,  Mr.  President,  that  I have  been  utterly  at  a loss  for  the  motive 
which  prompted  the  introduction  of  such  a measure  at  this  time.  Its  first  ef- 
fect must  inevitably  be  to  deprive  us  of  the  means  of  paying  even  the  interest 
upon  the  debt  we  are  now  incurring ; and  the  consequence  will  be,  that  a debt 
will  be  entailed  on  the  nation,  embarrassing  all  its  operations  for  years  to  come. 

It  has  been  the  policy  of  the  democratic  party  to  avoid  a national  debt.  I he 
payment  of  the  national  debt  under  the  administration  of  General  Jackson 
caused  rejoicings  throughout  the  country.  Now,  as  if  forgetting  the  policy  of 
our  fathers,  we  are,  in  time  of  war,  when  our  expenses  are  necessarily  greatly 
increased,  entering  upon  an  untried  experiment,  which,  it  is  admitted  on  all 
sides  will  greatly  decrease  our  income.  Can  this  be  done  for  the  special  pur- 
pose of  creating  the  necessity  of  direct  taxes,  and  hereafter  the  entire  abolition 
of  our  revenue  laws  ? Is  this  the  end  to  which  it  looks  ? That  section  of  the 
Union  which  controls  this  bill  can  control  any  other,  if  northern  men  will  crouch 
before  them.  It  will  be  found  very  convenient,  in  laying  these  direct  taxes,  to 
exempt  the  ne^ro  population  of  the  south,  and  lay  them  on  the  property  and 
labor  of  the  north.  If  this  be  so,  the  nullification  of  which  we  have  heard  may 
not  be  so  remote  as  good  men  have  imagined.  w . 

I wish  I could  induce  my  southern  friends  to  pause,  while  it  is  yet  not  too  late, 
ere  they  strike  a blow  which*must  recoil  on  themselves.  They  cannot  be  pros- 
perous if  we  are  prostrate.  It  is  a great  mistake  to  suppose  that  the  prosperity 
of  the  north  inflicts  an  injury  upon  them.  The  foundation  of  the  evil  of  which 
they  complain  will  be  found  in  the  over-production  of  a single  article.  In 
1824,  cotton  brought  21  cents  per  pound.  This  produced  such  an  immense 
profit,  that  men  went  in  debt  to  buy  slaves,  and  every  southern  man  became  a 
cotton-planter.  This  increased  the  amount  from  176,000,000  pounds  in  1824, 
to  863  000,000  pounds  in  1845,  and  reduced  the  price  to  6 cents  per  pound. 
We  are  told  there  is  never  a surplus  stock  on  hand,  as  an  argument  against  this 
fact.  But  that  is  accounted  for,  in  my  mind,  by  the  fact  that  the  necessities  o 
the  cotton-planter  compel  him  to  push  his  cotton  crop  into  the  market  to  Pa>’ 
his  debts  already  made  in  anticipation  of  it.  A little  northern  thrift’  which 
teaches  our  manufacturers  to  live  within  their  means,  would  do  them  much  ser- 
vice, and  in  the  end  cure  many  of  the  evils  attributed  to  the  tariff  of  1642. 

Much  stress  is  laid  upon  the  cotton  crop  of  the  south,  and  the  whole  lega- 
tion of  this  country  is  to  be  regulated  by  it.  I do  not  wish  to  detract  from  its 
value,  but  I will  show  how  small  it  is  in  comparison  with  the  other  agricultural 
products  of  the  country.  The  entire  cotton  crop  of th®^ 

000  pounds,  which,  at  7 cents  per  pound,  amounts  to  $65,226,160.  My  south 
ern  friends  will  perhaps  hardly  credit  the  fact,  that  the  value  of  the  hay  crop, 
upon  which  our  cattle  and  horses  are  fed,  is  more  than  100  per  cent.  < over  tins , 
amounting,  at  $10  a ton,  to  $140,065,000.  The  whole  value  of  the  tobacco 
rron  at  5 cents  is  $9,371,100;  the  wheat  crop  alone,  at  $1  a bushel,  is  $106,- 
584  000  ; the  oils,  at  30  cents,  is  worth  $48,962,400  ; and  the  potato  crop,  so 
lightly  estimated,  is  worth  more  than  one-half  the  entire  cotton  crop,  being,  at 
40  cents  a bushel,  $35,356,800.  Why  should  all  these  important  products  be 
lost  siorht  of  in  our  commercial  regulations  ? 

It  is  said  that  letters  have  been  received  here  from  my  own  State,  approwng 
of  this  measure.  It  cannot  be  possible.  Although  it  may  pass  here  as  a po 
litical  measure,  not  a Senator,  as  I believe,  would  be  willing  to  adopt  it  as  his 
own ; and  I cannot  therefore  believe  that  any  business  man,  anxious  for  the  wel- 
fare of  the  country,  can  advise  its  passage.  It  may  be  true  that  some  individuals 
in  that  good  State  are  mad  enough,  or  ignorant  enough,  or  dishonest  enough, 


23 


■O  flatter  what  they  believe  to  be  the  majority  here,  by  crying  hozannas  to  men 
L power.  If  such  letters  have  been  received,  they  must  have  been  written  by 
I men  who  have  no  interest  in  common  with  their  fellow-citizens  ; men  who  would 
'barter  principle  for  office,  and  see  the  whole  State  in  ruin,  if  they  could  only 
Ibatten  upon  the  offals  of  the  government. 

We  are  told  out  of  the  house  that  this  bill  is  to  become  a law  by  the  casting 
(vote  of  the  Vice  President.  I am  happy  to  say  that  I have  seen  no  evidence  of 
such  intention,  nor  will  I believe  that  there  is  such  a design,  until  I am  con- 
vinced by  the  evidence  of  my  own  senses.  To  all  the  inquiries  that  have  been 
made  of  me,  I have  said  that  it  cannot  be;  that  no  native  Pennsylvanian,  hon- 
ored with  the  trust  and  confidence  of  his  fellow-citizens,  could  prove  recreant 
to  that  trust,  and  dishonor  the  State  that  gave  him  birth.  His  honorable  name, 
and  the  connexion  of  his  ancestry  with  her  history,  forbid  it.  His  own  public 
acts  and  written  sentiments  forbid  it.  If,  as  has  been  said,  this  question  is  to 
be  settled  by  the  casting  vote  of  the  Vice  President,  he  will  not,  as  a wise  man, 

I adopt  a bill  which  no  Senator  will  father,  but  will  rather,  taking  advantage  of 
his  high  and  honorable  position,  make  one  which  shall  contribute  to  the  hap- 
piness of  our  people,  and  the  glory  of  our  common  country.  Let  him  not  be 
ahured  by  the  voice  of  flattery  from  the  sunny  south.  No  man  can  be  strong 
abroad  who  is  not  strong  at  home.  Before  a public  man  risks  a desperate  leap, 
he  should  remember  that  political  gratitude  is  prospective;  that  desertion  of 
home,  of  friends,  and  of  country,  may  be  hailed  by  the  winning  party  when  the 
traitor  is  carrying  in  the  flag  of  his  country ; but  when  the  honors  of  the  nation 
whom  he  has  served  are  to  be  distributed,  none  are  given  to  him. 

Will  any  man  believe  that  a son  of  South  Carolina,  occupying  that  chair, 
elected  under  such  circumstances,  with  the  casting  vote  in  his  hands  on  this  bill, 
would  give  that  vote  contrary  to  the  almost  unanimous  wishes  of  his  own  State? 
And  shall  it  be  said  that  a Pennsylvanian  has  less  attachment  for  his  common- 
wealth than  a son  of  Carolina?  I have  said  that  I will  not  believe  it;  and  as 
evidence  that  it  cannot  be  so,  I give,  in  conclusion,  the  following  eloquent  pas- 
i sage  from  a speech  of  the  honorable  George  M.  Dallas,  when  occupying  the  seat 
I now  hold,  on  a question  precisely  similar  to  the  one  now  before  us. 

Extract  from  a speech  of  Mr.  Dallas  on  the  tariff  of  1832. 

“I  am  inflexible,  sir,  as  to  nothing  but  adequate  protection.  The  process  of  attaining  that 
may  undergo  any  mutation.  Secure  that  to  the  home  labor  of  this-  country,  and  ofcr  opponents 
shall  have,  as  far  as  my  voice  and  suffrage  can  give  it  to  them,  a ‘ carte  blanche ’ whereon  to  set- 
I tie  any  arrangement  or  adjustment  their  intelligence  may  suggest.  It  might  have  been  expected, 
not  unreasonably,  that  they  who  desired  change  should  tender  their  projet ; that  they  would  de- 
signate noxious  particulars  and  intimate  their  remedies ; that  they,  would  invoke  the  skill  and 
I assistance  of  practical  and  experienced  observers  on  a subject  with  which  few  of  us  are  familiar, 

1 and  point  with  precision  to  such  part3  of  the  extensive  system, as  can  be  modified  without  weak- 
j ening  or  endangering  the  whole  structure.  They  have  forborne  to  do  this.  They  demand  an 
entire  demolition.  Free  trade  is  the  burden  of  their  eloquence  ; the  golden  fleece  of  their  ad- 
venturous enterprise ; the  goal  short  of  which  they  will  not  pause  even  to  breathe.  I cannot 
join  their  expedition  for  such  object.  An  established  policy — coeval,  in  the  language  of  Presi- 
dent Jackson,  with  our  government — believed  by  an  immense  majority  of  our  people  to  be  con- 
stitutional, wise,  and  expedient,  may  not  be  abruptly  abandoned  by  Congress  without  a treache- 
rous departure  from  duty,  a shameless  dereliction  of  sacred  trust  and  confidence.  To  expect  it  is 
both  extravagant  and  unkind.” 


. 

. 

. 

. 

' 


